پنجره پنجره ای به اطلاعات و مقالات فارسی
 turkish security
eset – multi-device security10-2017
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

eset – multi-device security10-2017- شش یوزر

قیمت: 145000 تومان

مشخصات شناسنامه ای اثر(وزارت فرهنگ و ارشاد ی) = 055498-007-6



  • نرم افزار اورجینال

  • نرم افزارهای این شرکت سرور داخلی نمی باشد.

  • برای اطمینان از اورجینال بودن می توان نرم افزار را از سایت اصلی و نصب کرد.



محصول eset multi-device ، بسته ای بی نظیر از محصولات امنیتی شرکت eset جهت
محافظت از ویندوز، مک،لینو ، گوشی هوشمند و تبلت شما بوده که به شما امکان می دهد
لایسنس یداری شده را به انتخاب خود بر روی 6 عدداز دستگاه های ویندوز، مک،لینو ، گوشی هوشمند و تبلت همزمان
اکتیو نمایید.
و دارا بودن parental control برای کنترل اینترنت اینستا گرام دارد



  • a great time online for you and your family!

  • eset helps track and locate your missing laptop

  • your social networking made safer on facebook and twitter

  • identity theft protection

 ید سوال از فروشنده


eset multi-device security 10 review & rating | pcmag.com

www.pcmag.com › reviews › software › security › suites
rating: 3 - ‎review by neil j. rubenking - ‎$84.99
dec 1, 2016 - eset multi-device security 10 lets you protect windows, mac, and android devices, but not ios. it's better on android than on windows, and ...

eset multi-device security

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▶ 0:54
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eeludpdpjhc
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▶ 0:50
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xomtbdlhtle
oct 25, 2016 - uploaded by eset france
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▶ 0:55
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▶ 0:55
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rating: 6/10 - ‎review by brian nadel
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eset review | top ten reviews

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eset multi-device security is protection software that does not slow your computer down. read our review here.

eset multi-device security versie 10 productvideo - youtube

▶ 0:55
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gq59ez9864y
sep 21, 2016 - uploaded by eset nederland
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▶ 0:55
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review: eset internet security 10: iets te langzaam, maar wel veilig ...

https://www.techzine.nl › reviews › security
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rating: 4 - ‎review by edwin feldmann
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télécharger eset multi-device security 2017 pour windows ... - clubic

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rating: 5 - ‎3 votes - ‎€64.95 - ‎windows - ‎communication
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eset multi-device security | antivirusworks.com

www.antivirusworks.com/multi-device-security.asp
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starting from €30.99
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فروش آنتی ویروس اورجینال eset multi-device security pack

original-key.ir › ای ست (نود32)ای ست (نود32) نسخه خانگی
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https://www.idealo.de › ... › antivirenprogramme & pc-sicherheit
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eset: multi-device security 2017 preisvergleich | geizhals österreich

https://geizhals.at › ... › sicherheit & backup › internet security
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starting from €32.99
sep 22, 2016 - preisvergleich, bewertungen für eset: multi-device security 2017, 5 user, 1 jahr (deutsch) (multi-device) (emds-n1a5-5-v10) (österreich)

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rating: 7.9/10 - ‎7,118 reviews
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مشاهده متن کامل ...
useful turkish phrases
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

a collection of useful phrases in turkish. click on the english phrases to see them in many other languages.

key to abbreviations: sg = singular (said to one person), pl = plural (said to more than one person), inf = informal

englishtürkçe (turkish)
welcomehoş geldin (sg) hoş geldiniz (pl/frm)
hellomerhaba, selam, iyi günler
alo, efendim (on the phone)
how are you?


i'm fine, thanks. and you?
nasılsınız? (frm)
nasılsın? (inf)
iyiyim teşekkür ederim, siz nasılsınız (frm)
iyiyim sağol, sen nasılsın (inf)
long time no seene zamandır/kaç zamandır görüşmedik (see)
ne zamandır/kaç zamandır haber yok (hear)
what's your name?



my name is ...
isminiz nedir? (frm)
ismin ne? (inf)
adınız ne? (frm)
adın ne? (inf)
ismim ... (inf/frm)
adım ... (inf/frm)
where are you from?



i'm from ...
nerelisin? (inf)
nerelisiniz? (frm)
...lıyım
...liyim
...den
..dan
pleased to meet youtanıştıǧımıza memnun oldum / memnun oldum
good morninggünaydın
good afternoontünaydın, iyi günler
good eveningiyi akşamlar
good nightiyi geceler
goodbyehoşçakal / güle, güle
good luckiyi şanslar!
cheers/good health!şerefe! (to honour)
sağlığına! (sg) sağlığınıza! (pl/frm) - to your health
have a nice dayiyi günler!
bon appetitafiyet olsun!
bon voyageiyi yolculuklar! güle, güle!
i understandanlıyorum
i don't understandanlamıyorum, anlamadım
please speak more slowlylütfen daha yavaş uşun
please write it downlütfen yazınız
do you speak english?ingilizce biliyor musun? (inf)
ingilizce biliyor musunuz? (frm)
do you speak turkish?

yes, a little
türkçe biliyor musun? (inf)
türkçe biliyor musunuz? (frm)
çok az türkçe biliyorum
speak to me
in
turkish
türkçe uş. (inf)
türkçe uşun. (frm)
türkçe uşur musun? (inf)
türkçe uşur musunuz? (frm)
how do you say
... in
turkish?
türkçe'de ... nasıl denir?
excuse meizninizle / pardon, geçebilir miyim? (to get past)
pardon, bakar mısınız? (to get attention)
how much is this?ne kadar?
sorrypardon (inf) özür dilerim (frm)
thank you

response
teşekkür ederim, çok teşekkür ederim
teşekkürler, sağol, sağolun
bir şey değil / rica ederim
where's the toilet?tuvalet nerede?
this gentleman/lady
will pay for everything
bu bey/bu hanım, her şeyi ödeyecek
would you like to
dance with me?
bu dansı bana lütfeder misiniz? (frm)
benimle dans eder misiniz? (inf)
i love youseni seviyorum
get well soongeçmiş olsun
go away!git! git buradan!
leave me alone!beni yalnız bırakın! (frm)
beni rahat bırak! (inf)
help!
fire!
stop!
imdat!
yangın!
dur!
call the police!polis çağırın!
merry christmas
and happy new year
iyi noeller ve mutlu yıllar
iyi seneler / yeni yılınız kutlu olsun (happy new year)
yeni yılınızı kutlar, sağlık ve başarılar dileriz
(we wish you a happy, healthy and successful new year)
happy easterpaskalya bayramınız kutlu olsun
happy birthdaydoğum günün kutlu olsun
my hovercraft
is full of eels

what!? why this phrase?
benim hovercraft yılan balığı dolu.
one language
is never enough
bir dil asla yeterli değildir

phrases compiled by yun-ho lee (이윤호), with corrections by ekin dedeoğ and batuhan düzgün, and audio by şenol mutlu

all the sound files (1.3mb)

if you would like to make any corrections or additions to this page, or if you can provide recordings, please contact me.



مشاهده متن کامل ...
لیست اسم و نام تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

اسم و نام بهترین سریال های ترکی,بهترین سریال ترکی 2015,سریال های ترکی جدید,بهترین سریال ترکی 2016,لیست تمام سریال های ترکیه ای,اسم سریالهای ترکی

لیست اسم و نام تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای


نام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای,بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای,اسم بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای,تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای

نام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | اسم بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای

در شرایطی که سریال های ترک، به محصولات هنری موثر و پرمخاطبی در نقاط مختلف دنیا، از جمله در ایران، تبدیل شد ه اند، ما در اینجا ، مجموعه مطالبی به این موضوع اختصاص داده ایم.

سایت آی.ام.دی.بی که پایگاه اطلاعات سینما و تلویزیون است، مجموعه های تلویزیونی ترکی را براساس شهرت و محبوبیت شان فهرست بندی کرده است.

1-گناه فاطما گل چیست؟ (در ایران: فاطمه گل) ? fatmagül’ün suçu ne

زمان پخش(2010-2012)

امتیاز: 5.3 از 10

داستان درباره دختری به نام فاطما است که مورد هتک حرمت گروهی پسر پولدار قرار می گیرد و پس از این حادثه اتفاق های زیادی برای او می افتد. این مجموعه برگرفته از یک کتاب است. برن ساعات نقش فاطمه گل و انجین اکیورک نقش کریم را بازی می کنند.

2-بازی سکوت/ game of silence

شروع نمایش از سال 2012

امتیاز: 8.5 از 10

ی تازه کار و در حال پیشرفت با تهدید بزرگی روبه رو می شود. دوست دوران کودکی او تهدید می کند که راز بزرگی از گذشته او را برملا خواهد کرد . در این مجموعه مرات ایلدیریم و اسیل انور نقش آفرینی می کنند.

3-دیریلیش: ارطغرل / dirilis: ertugrul

شروع پخش 2014

امتیاز:9.1

داستان تاریخی ارطغرل قاضی پدر عثمان، بنیان گزار سلسله عثمانی است. در این مجموعه عثمان سیرگود، انجین ان دیوزیاتان وگوکان کاراچیک نقش آفرینی می کنند.

4-ازل/ezel (2009)

امتیاز: 8.4

داستان مردی است که دوستان مورد اعتماد و زنی که دوستش دارد به او خیانت می کنند و دست به انتقام جویی می زند. در این مجموعه کنعان ایمیرزالی اوغلو نقش اصلی «ازل»را ایفا می کند.

5- قرن باشکوه (در ایران: حریم سلطان) / magnificent century

شروع پخش مجموعه از سال 2011

امتیاز: 6.5

سال 1520. ماجرای دربار سلطان سلیمان از شاهان عثمانی و نزدیکانش .در این مجموعه مریم اوزرلی، خالد ارگنچ، وحیده پرچین، نباهت چهره، نور فتاح اوغلو، اوکان یال ک، سلما ارگچ، محمد گونسور، پلین کاراهان نقش آفرینی د.

6-عشق ممنوع/forbidden love

شروع پخش مجموعه از سال 2008

امتیاز: 7

سریال بر گرفته از رمان عشقِ ممنوع اثر خالد ضیاء ساخته شده است. عدنان که یازده سال پیش همسرش را از دست داده بازنی جوان تر از خود ازدواج می کند .این ازدواج ماجراهایی را در پی دارد.در این مجموعه کیوانچ تاتلیتوغ، برن ساعت، نباهت چهره ،سلجوق یونتم، زرین تکیندور، هازل کایا و نور آیسان نقش افرینی می کنند.

7-پویراز کارایال/ poyraz karayel

شروع پخش 2015

امتیاز: 8.4

یک پلیس قدیمی در تلاش برای بازگرداندان پسر خود است به همین خاطر به بزرگترین گروه مافیای شهر استانبول نفوذ پیدا می کند. ایلکر کاللی, بورجین ترزیقلو , موسی اوزونلرو…. به ایفای نقش می پردازند.

8-عشق سیاه/ kara sevda

شروع پخش از 2015

امتیاز:7.4

کارگردانی عشق سیاه را هیلال سرال بر عهده دارد.از بازیگران این سریال به بوراک ازچویت , نسلیهان آتاگل و زرین تکیندور می توان اشاره کرد. داستان این سریال درباره کمال یک معدن است.او برای به دست آوردن روزی خودش به همراه کارگرانش در اعماق زمین در حال تلاش و جدال است.کمال فقیر است ولی غرور زیادی دارد. روزی او دختری به اسم نیهان رو از خطر غرق شدن نجات میدهد و به این ترتیب با او آشنا می شود و زندگیش تغییر می کند.

9- قرن باشکوه / muhtesem yüzyil: kösem

شروع پخش سریال از سال 2015

امتیاز: 6.8

احمد پادشاه جوان عثمانی است. kösem عاشق اوست. این دلدادگان باید برای نزدیک شدن به یکدیگر بازی ها ودسیسه ها را خنثی کنند.هولیا افشار، اصلان گوربز و برن ساعت از بازیگران این مجموعه هستند.

10-لیلی و مجنون / leyla and mecnun

پخش مجموعه از سال 2011

امتیاز: 9.2

این مجموعه کمدی در شهر استانبول اتفاق می افتد. لیلا و مجنون کمدی سوررئال و آبزورد است که به داستان عاشقانه میان لیلا و مجنون می پردازد.

11- بهزاد سی: داستان یک کمیسر آنکارا / behzat ç.: bir ankara polisiyesi

پخش از سال 2010

امتیاز: 8.8

درباره مشکلات شخصی و اداری یک کمیسر پلیس شهر آنکاراست. اردال بسیکچوقلو و فاتح آرتمان از بازیگران این مجموعه هستند.

12-ترانه زندگی/ hayat sarkisi

پخش از سال 2016

امتیاز: 8.5

در این مجموعه بورکور بیرچیک، بیرکان سوکولو نقش آفرینی می کنند.

13- کارا /karadayi

پخش از سال 2012

امتیاز: 7.7

داستان خانواده ی کارا است که به دلیل زندانی شدن نظیف کارا به اتهام قتلی که مرتکب نشده ، خانواده ی او کاملا بهم می ریزد. در این مجموعه کارگردان اولوچ بایراکتار است. کنعان ایمیرزالی اوغلو،برگزار کورل؛چتین تکیندور نقش های اصلی را ایفا می کنند.

14-پول سیاه عشق/ kara para ask

پخش از سال 2014

امتیاز:7.7

عمر دمیر افسر پلیس است که نقش او را یکی از مشهورترین بازیگران مجموعه های ترکی انگین اکیورک بازی می کند عمر پس از منهدم یک گروه کودک ربا در شهر وان رهسپار استانبول می شود تا با ش سیبل آنداچ نامزد کند، از طرفی دیگر الیف (لطیفه) با بازی طوبا بویوک اوستون از یک خانواده طبقه بالا ثروتمند و طراح جواهرات است که در ایتالیا درس خوانده، گالری جواهر دارد و برای جشن تولدش به تازگی به استانبول برگشته است. در شب تولد لطیفه، پدر لطیفه و نامزد عمر به طور ناگهانی و اسرارآمیزی کشته می شوند. این قتل داستان اصلی سریال را شکل می دهد .و موجب رابطه عمر و لطیفه می شود.این سریال در ایران به نام لطیفه مشهور است. نویسنده این مجموعه ایلم جانپولات و سما ارگن مجموعه محبوب کارا را در کارنامه شان دارند.

15- جزر و مد/ medcezir

پخش از سال 2013

امتیاز: 6.8

«یامان» که در حومه شهر استانبول زندگی می کند،همراه برادرش که ماشینی را در پمپ بنزین یده،دستگیر و زندانی می شود. می گویند این مجموعه متاثر از سریال امریکایی او.سی(the o.c) است. نقش یامان را چاغاتای اولوسوی ایفا می کند. سرنای ساری کایا و باریش فالای از دیگر بازیگران مجموعه هستند.

16-سعید و شورا / kurt seyit ve sura

پخش از سال 2014

امتیاز: 6.8

داستان عشق یک درجه دار ی سعید و شورا که دختری جذاب است. در این مجموعه کیوانچ تاتلیتیغ و فرح زینب عبدالله نفش آفرینی می کنند.

17-فصل گیلاس/ kiraz mevsimi

پخش از سال 2014

امتیاز: 4.6

اویکو و عیاض تصادفی با هم آشنا می شوند اما دست سرنوشت آنها را به هم می رساند. در این مجموعه سرکان چایوقلو و اوزگه گورل نقش آفرینی می کنند.

18-تکه های ش ته/ paramparca

پخش از سال 2014

امتیاز: 6.1

این مجموعه در ایران به ل شهرت دارد. در بیمارستان و در بخش زایمان دو نوزاد دختر به دلیل شباهت نام فامیلی شان جا به جا می شوند. خانواده ثروتمند نوزاد خانواده فقیر را بزرگ می کند و خانواده فقیر دختر خانواده ثروتمند را. این اشتباه به ماجراهای بزرگی منتهی می شود. در این مجموعه چهره های مشهوری نقش آفرینی می کنند مانند ارکان پتکایا ،نورگل یشیلچای

19-عشق کرایه ایی/ kiralik ask

پخش از سال 2015

امتیاز:7

داستان درباره دختری فقیری است که با مادربزرگ و خواهر و برادرش زندگی می کند که گرفتار قرار دادی با مردی ثروتمند می شوند. مرد ثروتمند عاشق دختر فقیر می شود و با او ازدواج می کند و….

20 –کوزی گونی/ kuzey güney

پخش از سال 2011

امتیاز:7.7

داستان درباره دوبرادر به نام های کوزی و گونی است. که تفاوت های شان از زمین تا آسمان است. در این مجموعه کیوانچ تاتلیتوغ، اویکو کارایل بورا گولسوی نقش آفرینی می کنند.

این بیست سریال برتر از نگاه سایت ای ام دبی است.مسلما مجموعه های دیگری مانند هزار و یک شب،دره گرگ ها، ماه های نقره ای/نور نیز محبوبیت دارند.

منبع:

لیست اسم و نام تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای

نام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | اسم بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای | تمام بهترین سریال های ترکیه ای



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زیرنویس و security 2017 امنیت
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مشخصات : security 2017

کشور سازنده:

ژانر: اکشن , ماجراجویی , هیجانی

سایت منتشر کننده: و سریال

کارگردان: alain desrochers

بازیگران: antonio banderas, ben kingsley, liam mcintyre, cung le

زبان: انگلیسی / فارسی

تاریخ انتشار: 2017

خلاصه داستان: یک محافظ امنیتی سعی دارد از فردی بی گناه که قرار است در یک محاکمه به عنوان شاهد حاضر شود و همچنین یک گروه خلافکار هم می باشد ، مراقبت کند. اما…

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جدیدترین کالکشن مدل لباس عروس 2016 شیک و زیبا

جدیدترین کالکشن مدل لباس عروس ۲۰۱۶ شیک و زیبا

در این پست برای شما عزیزان مجموعه ای از مدل لباس عروس را از برند خاص اروپایی آماده کردیم

تلاش کردیم که مدل های غیر تکراری مدل لباس عروس جدید در سایت قرار داده بشه و نسبتاً پوشیده باشه

ع ها از مدل های گوناگون است، گیپور ،حریر و …

امیدواریم مورد پسند شما عزیزان قرار بگیره

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اسکارلت پفی و ترکی رو در ادامه این پست ببینید

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مدل لباس

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مدل لباس عروس

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لباس عروس زیبای اروپایی

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مدل های جدید لباس عروس ماهی

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تور لباس عروس

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لباس عروس گیپور ترکی

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ع های لباس عروسی شیک<

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paper
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

united states national security strategy and coercive diplomacy in u.s-iran relations

alireza mozafari

university of tehran, faculty of world studies

abstract

national security strategy (nss) is one of the grand strategies in the united states, which officially is determined regarding national security and is published by administrations. this article tries to ess these nsss from the first after the september eleventh 2001, which was published in 2002 to the last one, 2010 of obama’s administration and their effects on u.s.-iran relations. we want to understand the nss consists of what attitudes, and which of these attitudes can affect relationships with countries such as iran. we have found that strategic concerns have always dominated the relationship of these two countries, and this continues to be so today. therefore studying the u.s-iran relations without studying u.s strategies is not meaningful. this study based on alexander theory of “coercive diplomacy” (alexander l. george, 1991) found that bush and obama’s administrations kept the threat of military force, as an option on the table to achieve their goals in their deals and diplomacies toward iran. this study offers a qualitative content analysis of national security strategys and extracts the main principles of the nsss and then esses the items, which cover iran-u.s. relations. this study shows that coercive diplomacy has a significant role in the u.s.-iran relation and the signs of this diplomacy can be seen in the nsss of the united states.

key words: national security strategy, iran, coercive diplomacy, u.s.-iran relations.

introduction

strategy gives a country the capacity to make a model, gives a way to concentrate sources and capabilities of a country to reach the general goals, and causes to actualize the thoughts and ideas to physical power as well. so as robert osgood defines that strategy must now be understood as nothing less than the overall plan for utilizing the capacity for armed coercion - in conjunction with economic, diplomatic, and psychological instruments of power - to support foreign policy most effectively by overt, covert and tacit means (baylis, 2007). strategy in a short brief is an overall plan of a country.

threats can be essed and prioritized based upon considerations such as urgency, impact, magnitude, mitigation options, and intention. opportunities can be essed and prioritized based upon considerations such as knowledge, expertise, and probability of success, resources, long-term sustainability, proportionality, and intention. based on this approach, national security can be considered as any situation, condition, or entity that has the potential to enhance or degrade the viability and vitality of the nation. the national security system would be responsible for and measured by:

• the viability and vitality of the nation,

• peaceful and positive development throughout the countries of every region, and

• ccooperation and collaboration around the globe. (sheila, 2013)

nearing the end of cold war, a new strategic environment was appearing and the bipolar system was disappearing. in this regard persian gulf war is one of the first evolutions which by its end u.s. by declaring the ‘’new world order” tried to dominate the world.

the united states of america as a superpower, which affects iran security and strategy, should be studied by its grand strategies. in this regard essing the national security strategy of u.s. as the most important and grand strategy of u.s., can lead us to understand the foreign policy of this country. i believe that studying the nss should be one of the most important aspects of u.s. relations with other regional powers such as iran.

this article tries to study and ess the u.s. national security strategy (nss) from 2002 to 2010. there are plenty of studies about u.s. strategies, but precisely our goal of this study is to clarify the items in the nss and its mandates about iran directly or indirectly. i believe that the u.s-iran relation is affected by the nss and u.s. policies, which is mentioned in nss. in this regard, i look forward to find the items in every published nss that refers to iran and the areas which is regarded to iran. in addition, i would like to understand the correlation of the u.s. strategies and the relations between u.s. and iran and the way they behaved in some cases as some examples. therefore, this article should be of interest to specialist of foreign relation and strategy& policy makers of these two countries and the readers who analyze the current and future condition of iran-u.s. relation.

in this article, these questions are answered:

what is the role of the national security strategy to ign u.s. security strategy?

how national security strategy’s cover iran-u.s. relations?

have the u.s. presidents approach in the nsss been according to coercive diplomacy?

the united states national security strategy (nss)

the national security strategy (nss) is a document prepared periodically by the executive branch of the government of the united states for congress, which outlines the major national security concerns of the united states and how the administration plans to deal with them. the legal foundation for the document is spelled out in the goldwater-nichols act. the document is purposely general in content (contrast with the national military strategy, (nms) and its implementation relies on elaborating guidance provided in supporting documents.

regarding goldwater-nichols act as the founder of the nss a perception of this act and its context is necessary. the stated intent of the goldwater-nichols legislation is broadly accepted as valid for effective political discourse on issues affecting the nation's security; the congress and the executive need a common understanding of the strategic environment and the administration's intent as a starting point for future dialogue. that said, however, it is understood that in the adversarial environment that prevails, this report can only provide a beginning point for the dialogue necessary to reach such a "common" understanding(snider 1995). in the first page of this act it had been mentioned that the purpose of this act is: “to reorganize the department of defense and strengthen civilian authority in the department of defense, to improve the military advice provided to the president, the national security council, and the secretary of defense, to place clear responsibility on the commanders of the unified and specified combatant commands for the accomplishment of missions igned to those commands and ensure that the authority of those commanders is fully commensurate with that responsibility, to increase attention to the formulation of strategy and to contingency planning, to provide for more efficient use of defense resources, to improve joint officer mana ent policies, otherwise to enhance the effectiveness of military operations and improve the mana ent and administration of the department of defense, and for other purposes” (goldwater-nichols,1986).

however nss is a document which offers the m ive strategy and general goals of u.s. regarding national security (dau, 2009), nss can be shown as the strategic thought o iven president and gives researchers and policy makers reliable sources and indicates. that is why we see new visions in presidency paigns.

the requirement of producing this report (nss) along with the budget request leads to an iterative, interagency process involving high-level meetings that helps to resolve internal differences in foreign policy agendas. however, “this report was not to be a neutral planning document, as many academics and even some in uniform think it to be’’(snider 1995, p.5). rather it was intended to serve five primary purposes.

1) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to congress, and thus legitimize its requests for resources. 2) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to foreign constituencies, especially administration not on the u.s.’s summit agenda. 3) communicate with select domestic audiences, such as political supporters seeking presidential recognition of their issues, and those who hope to see a coherent and farsighted strategy they could support. 4) create internal consensus on foreign and defense policy within the executive branch. 5) contribute to the overall agenda of the president, both in terms of substance and messaging (snider, 1995).

some believe that the nss can be considered as a grand strategy for the united states, however many believe that a grand strategy should be considered for a long term. many critics concede u.s. had a grand strategy during the cold war but claim that it have not had one since (sheila, 2013). nonetheless, the nss consists of some elements o rand strategy of the united states. since the fall of the soviet union, a five-pillar grand strategy has been clearly discernible.

pillar i

the velvet covered iron fist: the “iron fist” built a military stronger than what is needed for near-term threats to dissuade a would-be hostile rival from achieving peer status.

pillar 2

make the world more like the united states politically by promoting the spread of democracy.

pillar 3

make the world more like the united states economically by promoting the spread of markets and globalization.

pillar 4

focus on weapons of m destruction (wmd) proliferation to rogue states as the top tier national security threat.

pillar 5 (added by george w. bush)

focus on terrorist networks of global reach inspired by militant islamist ideologies as another top tier national security threat, i.e., equal to wmd in the hands of rogue states.

the national security strategy reports prepared by each administration, as well as the central policy efforts each administration pursued reveals a broad 20-year pattern of continuity. all post-cold war presidents championed the first four pillars. the last two presidents (bush and obama) adopted the last two pillars. the major grand strategic moves of the period derive from one or more of these pillars: e.g., the outreach to india derives from pillar 1, the invasion of iraq derives from pillars 4 and 5, and so on.

obama paigned as if he was going to make a grand strategic innovation by adding a 6th pillar: elevating climate change to be equal to wmd and terrorism. but he chose to do health care instead (sheila, 2013).

many believe that the nss is not the real united states national security strategy and some believe that it is not the real for the real world and may the acts of the administration is not coincided with it, however the national security strategy is the closest published document that represents a comprehensive discussion of where the country is going and what it wants to accomplish. “published by the white house from time to time, it is neither sufficiently long term nor a true strategy that links resources with objectives over time. it represents, at best, a list of aspirational goals by an administration” (polk, 2013). there could be some reason for this, but one of them is that the complex systems of the world need to have their characteristics identified, discussed, and used as a framework for the development of strategy. “probably the most important characteristic is that complex systems cannot be controlled—at best, they can be influenced. the systems can only be influenced if understood intimately” (sheila, 2013).

coercive diplomacy

the concept of coercive diplomacy has been a topic of discussion for the past sixty years. several authors have made the claim that coercive diplomacy is the greatest tactic to be used in a conflict, and that it is the method of choice for gaining certain capabilities and needs. although it may seem that it has a defined definition, it is evident that there is much more to the idea than a single defined sentence.

coercive diplomacy attempts to get a target- a state, region, or a nonstate actor- to change its behavior through the threat to use force of through the actual use of limited force (art, 2009).

in the early 1990’s alexander george explained through research and his books that this idea known as “coercive diplomacy” could be used to help promote peace with a few strategic guidelines behind it. george explained that there were four basic principles to understanding the concept. these included “the demand, the means used for creating a sense of urgency, the threatened punishment for noncompliance, and the possible use of incentives” (alexander, 1991). he explains, “the adversary's perception of the coercing power's motivation and commitment, and the adversary's essment of the credibility and potency of its threat, play the most significant role in determining the success or failure of a coercive strategy” (alexander, 1991).

methodology

many current studies use qualitative content analysis, which addresses some of the weaknesses of the quantitative approach.

qualitative content analysis has been defined as:

• “a research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through the systematic cl ification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns” (hsieh & shannon, 2005, p.1278),

• “an approach of empirical, methodological controlled analysis of texts within their context of communication, following content analytic rules and step by step models, without rash quantification” (mayring, 2000, p.2), and

• “any qualitative data reduction and sense-making effort that takes a volume of qualitative material and attempts to identify core consistencies and meanings” (patton, 2002, p.453).

these three definitions illustrate that qualitative content analysis emphasizes an integrated view of speech/texts and their specific contexts. it allows researchers to understand social reality in a subjective but scientific manner (weber, 1990).

we have chosen the qualitative content analysis to study the nss as a formal document which has a key role among strategies of the united states. this method as an inductive tool, give us a way to examine of topics and themes, as well as the inferences drawn from them, in the data. furthermore the samples to be investigated are selected purposefully which can inform the research questions being investigated. nonetheless we hope that this method will pay attention unique themes that illustrate the range of the answers to the questions of our article.

introduction to iran and u.s. relations

however, it was not always so. amb ador exchanges began in the mid 00s and during the second world war; ties were cemented as iran collaborated with the allies allowing the transportation of war material through iran to the beleaguered russians in the caucasus region.

as the cold war developed, u.s. iranian ties depended; the u.s. sought further iranian cooperation in containing communism in asia while on iran received military and economic support and enjoyed western technological istance in exploiting its oil wealth. at this time, cultural, military, economic, and political relations ran deep. yet, it was precisely in this context that us-iranian relations grew then ultimately withered.

the u.s. and iran severed official diplomatic relations following the 1979 islamic revolution in iran and currently have no official relations. their emb ies were closed after iranian students stormed the us emb y in tehran and held american diplomats hostage in november 1979 and the u.s. chose the compromise and oppression against iran (houghton, 2001). since then suspicion and hostility have characterized relations between the two nations (bahgat, 2009). in this period the carter doctrine can be essed as the first signs of coercive diplomacy toward iran (carter, 1980).

there was the u.s. position during the iran-iraq war, which worsened the relations. when the war broke out, the u.s. formally at least adopted a position of neutrality and did not supply arms to either side. america hoped the two sides would wear out and exhaust each other, and this was according to dual containment. in november 1984 u.s. and iraq reestablished their official relation which was severed from 1967 (joyner, 1990) and once iran looked as if it might actually win the war and bring saddam down, the u.s. began to support saddam, not only diplomatically, but with intelligence. the u.s. also remained silent when saddam used chemical weapons against iranian troops.

there has been the problem on the iranian side of the u.s. attempt to sanction, isolate and demonize iran and to view iran as pursuing policies in lebanon, on the arab-israeli conflict, and elsewhere, hostile to american interests.

it’s not as if during these years there was no u.s. attempt to reach out to the iranians or vice versa. the first president bush, in his inaugural address, referring to u.s. hostages held in lebanon, and addressing iran used the phrase “good will breeds good will.” the iranians did then help secure the release of these remaining u.s. hostages, but no good will e in reciprocation. early in the clinton administration, the president of iran offered a u.s. company, conoco, a large oil deal, but clinton prevented the deal from going through. president clinton himself, especially in his second term, attempted on a number of occasions to reach out to the iranians without success (bakhash, 2009).

there the legacy of the hostilities of the past on both sides continued. there are concrete issues dividing the two countries. in any iran-u.s. prochement, iran would want to see an end to u.s. sanctions against iran, and an end to america’s attempts to isolate iran and deny it technology, trade, and credits. the u.s. would expect iran to change its posture on israel, to stop attempting to be a spoiler in the palestinian-israeli peace process (the western kind of peace process), and to end its support for groups like hezbollah in lebanon and hamas in the gaza strip hostile to israel. also, for the u.s. there’s the issue of iran’s nuclear program which because of that threatened iran in many occasions even by a military operations other than war (and this could lead the united blanchettestates even to a

in addition, some forms of iranian foreign policy behavior to which the u.s. particularly takes exception have become very entrenched. iran’s hostility to israel has become a pillar of its foreign policy; its investment in hezbollah in lebanon is a long-standing policy. iran and the u.s. are now competitors for influence in the persian gulf and the middle east. iran may be a small and weak country compared to the u.s., but it does have its visions of grandeur. it sees itself as the great power of the persian gulf region. it believes the u.s. must make space for it at the table in deciding the future of iraq or afghanistan. one can see how much at odds the iranian position is from america’s.

national security strategy in george w. bush administration

by the event of 11th of september 2001 announcing aggressive positions in foreign policy of the united states intensified and revealed in the national security strategy of u.s. in the new international environment, the united states tried to show its superiority which it was a complex of culture, economy and military power. u.s. preparation to use military power against terrorism phenomena be e the main reason of tensions in the international community, in other words fighting against terrorism be e a seasoning for the united states to fulfill its goals and interests. in january 2002, speaking to a joint session of congress, bush outlined what quickly be e known as the bush doctrine:

we will shut down terrorist ps, disrupt terrorist plans and bring terrorists to justice. and … we must prevent the terrorists and regimes who seek chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons from threatening the united states and the world…

yet time is not on our side. i will not wait on events while dangers gather. i will not stand by as peril draws closer and closer. the united states of america will to permit the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world’s most destructive weapons (lieber 2007, p.43)

also describing some countries such as iran in the spectrum of “axis of evil”, indifferent to international and united nations commitments and efforts to p the “preventive” to reach the “preemptive” by using force is the principles in the national security strategy of bush administration.

national security strategy of 2002

the cover letter president bush submitted along with the national security strategy identifies its main objectives: "we will defend the peace by fighting terrorists and tyrants[1]. we will preserve the peace by building good relations among the great powers. we will extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on every continent" (nss, 2002, p. preface). curiously, the strategy is not organized around these themes, but this three-pronged approach captures the thrust of its recommendations.

defending the peace. according to nss 2002 the first duty of government is to provide for the common defense. this, the bush strategy maintains, requires defeating america's enemies—which it identifies as a mix of terrorists, tyrants, and technology. bush mentions that september 11 established beyond doubt that shadowy networks of individuals can bring great chaos and suffering to u.s. shores. he believes that tyrants brutalize their own people, display no regard for international law, are determined to acquire weapons of m destruction, sponsor terrorism around the globe, and reject basic human values and hate the united states. the diffusion of modern technology makes these terrorists and tyrants ever more dangerous. it could give them a catastrophic power to strike great nations, enabling them to blackmail u.s., or to harm u.s., or to harm its friends (nss, 2002).

bush writes that the events of september 11, 2001, fundamentally changed the context for relations between the united states and other main centers of global power, and opened vast new opportunities to work with russia and china. even with this historic change, the united states faces some new regional power which it calls them threats. “the nature and motivations of these new adversaries, their determination to obtain destructive powers, and the greater likelihood that they will use weapons of m destruction against us, make today's security environment more complex and dangerous” (nss 2002, p.13).

to defeat terrorists and tyrants, the strategy emphasizes prevention, preemption, defense, and consequence mana ent. prevention requires greater efforts to deny countries and terrorists access to the technologies of m destruction, including through enhanced diplomacy, arms control, multilateral export controls and threat reduction istance (nss, 2002). but the strategy is silent on which arms and export control regimes it would strengthen and how it would do so.

such preventive strategies are not enough, however. according to the strategy, military preemption is also necessary. the nss mentions that given the goals of rogue states and terrorists, the united states can no longer rely solely on a reactive posture as we have seen in the past. the inability to deter a potential attacker, the immediacy of today's threats, and the magnitude of potential harm could be caused by u.s. adversaries. moreover, the united states believes that the nature of this threats means that the old standard in international law that states can legally order preemptive military action only when faced with an imminent danger of attack must be construed more broadly. the united states looks for having the right to anticipatory action to defend ourselves, even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack (nss, 2002).

preserving the peace. as the nss mentions although the threat facing america has grown more grave, the strategy sees a new opportunity to make the world safer and better. "today the world's great powers find ourselves on the same side—united by common dangers of terrorist violence and chaos" (nss 2002, p. preface) president bush argues that the international community has the best chance since the rise of the nation-state in the seventeenth century to build a world where great powers compete in peace instead of continually prepare for war (nss, 2002). the key to realizing this opportunity, the strategy argues, lies in integrating russia and china into the west.

extending the peace. the strategy contends that extending freedom, democracy, and free enterprise to every corner of the globe is a strategic and a moral imperative and the poverty that grips much of the world offends american values.

national security strategy of 2006

george w. bush has issued his second nss with four years delay, however according to the goldwater-nicholas act the president should publish the nss annually. this nss was published in march 2006 and bush at the overview of it mentions, “yet a new totalitarian ideology now threatens, an ideology grounded not in secular philosophy but in the perversion of a proud religion. its content may be different from the ideologies of the last century, but its means are similar: intolerance, murder, terror, enslavement, and repression. like those who e before us, we must lay the foundations and build the institutions that our country needs to meet the challenges we face” (nss, 2006). the most serious binding of this nss the same as the previous one is “enduring security for the american people”. but the boldest specific of this national security strategy is the name of iran and muslims.

the chapters that come in the national security strategy of 2006 will focus on several essential tasks, but every article begins with a short brief of nss 2002 regarding the article:

1- champion aspirations for human dignity; the nss speaks about the spread of democracy and freedom around the world which supported by the united states. bush declares, “to protect our nation and honor our values, the united states seeks to extend freedom across the globe by leading an international effort to end tyranny and to promote effective democracy” (nss 2006, p.3). in this regard, to end tyranny and promoting effective democracy, bush suggest employing the full array of political, economic, diplomatic, and other tools at u.s. disposal, including:

• speaking out against abuses of human rights.

  • • supporting publicly democratic reformers in repressive nations.
  • • using foreign istance to support the development of free and fair elections, rule of law, civil society, human rights, women’s rights, free media, and religious freedom.
  • • tailoring istance and training of military forces to support civilian control of the military and military respect for human rights in a democratic society.
  • • applying sanctions that designed to target those who rule oppressive regimes while sparing the people.
  • • encouraging other nations not to support oppressive regimes.
  • • partnering with other democratic nations to promote freedom, democracy, and human rights in specific countries and regions.
  • • strengthening and building new initiatives such as the broader middle east and north africa initiative’s foundation for the future, the community of democracies, and the united nations democracy fund.
  • • forming creative partnerships with nongovernmental organizations and other civil society voices to support and reinforce their work.
  • • working with existing international institutions.
  • • supporting condemnation in multilateral institutions of egregious violations of human rights and freedoms;
  • • encouraging foreign direct investment in and foreign istance to countries where there is a commitment to the rule of law, fighting corruption, and democratic accountability; and
  • • concluding free trade agreements (ftas) that encourage countries to enhance the rule of law, fight corruption, and further democratic accountability.

2- strengthen alliances to defeat global terrorism and work to prevent attacks against us and our friends. bush writes that to wage this battle of ideas effectively, we must be clear-eyed about what does and does not give rise to terrorism:

  • • terrorism is not the inevitable by-product of poverty.
  • • terrorism is not simply a result of hostility to u.s. policy in iraq.
  • • terrorism is not simply a result of israeli-palestinian issues.
  • • terrorism is not simply a response to our efforts to prevent terror attacks (nss, 2006)

then he writes the foundation of the terrorism and gives resolution for every of this foundations and finally find the conclusion, “democracy is the opposite of terrorist tyranny, which is why the terrorists denounce it and are willing to kill the innocent to stop it. democracy is based on empowerment, while the terrorists’ ideology is based on enslavement. democracies expand the freedom of their citizens, while the terrorists seek to impose a single set of narrow beliefs. democracy sees individuals as equal in worth and dignity, having an inherent potential to create and to govern themselves. the terrorists see individuals as objects to be exploited, and then to be ruled and oppressed” (nss 2006, p.11).

he continues that the a nce of freedom and human dignity through democracy is the long-term solution to the transnational terrorism of today.

3- work with others to defuse regional conflicts. according to the nss regional conflicts can arise from a wide variety of causes, including poor governance, external aggression, competing claims, internal revolt, tribal rivalries, and ethnic or religious hatreds. if left unaddressed, however, these different causes lead to the same ends: failed states, humanitarian disasters, and ungoverned areas that can become safe havens for terrorists. bush writes that the administration’s strategy for addressing regional conflicts includes three levels of enga ent: conflict prevention and resolution; conflict intervention; and post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction.

4- prevent our enemies from threatening us, our allies, and our friends with weapons of m destruction. bush at first mentions the measures that the united states have adopted to prevent threats and then continues that some challenges have remained:

  • • iran has violated its non-proliferation treaty safeguards obligations and refuses to provide objective guarantees that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes.
  • • the dprk continues to destabilize its region and defy the international community, now boasting a small nuclear arsenal and an illicit nuclear program in violation of its international obligations.
  • • terrorists, including those ociated with the al-qaida network, continue to pursue wmd.
  • • some of the world’s supply of weapons-grade fissile material – the necessary ingredient for making nuclear weapons – is not properly protected.
  • • a nces in biotechnology provide greater opportunities for state and non-state actors to obtain dangerous pathogens and equipment.

at the end of this chapter bush writes that “we have no doubt that the world is a better place for the removal of this dangerous and unpredictable tyrant, and we have no doubt that the world is better off if tyrants know that they pursue weapons of m destruction at their own peril” (nss 2006, p.24).

5- ignite a new era of global economic growth through free markets and free trade. nss 2006 explains that the united states helped the world by opening a free market and following it which caused liberty and prosperity for many people.

6- expand the circle of development by opening societies and building the infrastructure of democracy. this document claims that the united states has improved the lives of millions of people and transformed the practice of development by adopting more effective policies and programs:

  • • a ncing development and reinforcing reform
  • • turning the tide against aids and other infectious diseases.
  • • promoting debt sustainability and a path toward private capital markets.
  • • addressing urgent needs and investing in people.
  • • unleashing the power of the private sector.
  • • fighting corruption and promoting transparency. (nss, 2006)

bush believe that improving the way we use foreign istance will make it more effective in strengthening responsible governments, responding to suffering, and improving people’s lives.

7- develop agendas for cooperative action with the other main centers of global power. bush claims that the united states has enjoyed unprecedented levels of cooperation on many of its highest national security priorities, but insists that “the struggle against militant islamic radicalism is the great ideological conflict of the early years of the 21st century and finds the great powers all on the same side – opposing the terrorists. this circumstance differs profoundly from the ideological struggles of the 20th century, which saw the great powers divided by ideology as well as by national interest” (nss 2006, p.36).

8- transform america’s national security institutions to meet the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century. george w. bush in this document mentions that in the last four years, u.s. has made substantial progress in transforming key national security institutions.

  • • the establishment of the department of homeland security.
  • • in 2004, the intelligence community launched its most significant reorganization since the 1947 national security act. the centerpiece is a new position, the director of national intelligence.
  • • the department of defense has completed the 2006 quadrennial defense review, which details how the department will continue to adapt and build to meet new challenges (nss, 2006).

9- engage the opportunities and confront the challenges of globalization. this document mentions that globalization has brought opportunities and much of the world’s prosperity and improved living standards in recent years derive from the expansion of global trade, investment, information, and technology. nss adds that the united states has been a leader in promoting these developments, and we believe they have improved significantly the quality of life of the american people and people the world over.

covering u.s. - iran relations

national security strategy 2002 does not mention the name of iran directly. but when it speaks about terrorism, the countries supporting terrorism, expansion of m destruction weapons and threat of terrorism access to these weapons, the nss indirectly calls iran. the main reason is iran’s measures against eleventh of september attack which contained, condemning clearly the terrorism actions in the united states and condolence to u.s. people, emphasizing un as the axis of any actions against terrorism, condemning alqaideh actions, supporting european union intermediation in afghanistan affairs, emphasizing the common position of islamic countries, and eventually stressing civilizations dialogs instead. moreover, iran had a main role in the collapse of taliban and the presidency of hamid karzai, and helped the international forces with the united states leadership in the rebuilding of afghanistan (zandi, 2010).

nonetheless, these situations caused that the nss 2002 does not directly name iran but george bush latter in his speeches mentioned iran as one of the “axis of evil” many times when calling iraq, north korea, who looking for m destruction weapons to beat the united states’ interests and support terrorism.

in the second document of nss (2006), feeling no need for iran’s help in afghanistan and iraq, bush administration names iran numerously names iran with north korea, syria, cuba, belarus, zimbabwe, berms as the dictatorship countries “people living in nations such as the democratic people’s republic of korea (dprk), iran, syria, cuba, belarus, burma, and zimbabwe know firsthand the meaning of tyranny; it is the bleak reality they endure every day” (nss 2006, p.3). bush mentions iran and syria as the support for terrorism, “some states, such as syria and iran, continue to harbor terrorists at home and sponsor terrorist activity abroad” (nss 2006, p. 9). this nss added that, “iran has violated its non-proliferation treaty safeguards obligations and refuses to provide objective guarantees that its nuclear program is solely for peaceful purposes” (nss 2006, p. 19). it finally with mentioning the “no greater challenge from a single country than from iran” (nss 2006, p.20) brings the coercive diplomacy to the highest level, as we have not seen the tone before, “for almost 20 years, the iranian regime hid many of its key nuclear efforts from the international community. yet the regime continues to claim that it does not seek to develop nuclear weapons. the iranian regime’s true intentions are clearly revealed by the regime’s refusal to negotiate in good faith; its refusal to come into compliance with its international obligations by providing the iaea access to nuclear sites and resolving troubling questions; and the aggressive statements of its president calling for israel to “be wiped off the face of the earth.” the united states has joined with our eu partners and russia to pressure iran to meet its international obligations and provide objective guarantees that its nuclear program is only for peaceful purposes. this diplomatic effort must succeed if confrontation is to be avoided.

as important as are these nuclear issues, the united states has broader concerns regarding iran. the iranian regime sponsors terrorism; threatens israel; seeks to thwart middle east peace; disrupts democracy in iraq; and denies the aspirations of its people for freedom. the nuclear issue and our other concerns can ultimately be resolved only if the iranian regime makes the strategic decision to change these policies, open up its political system, and afford freedom to its people. this is the ultimate goal of u.s. policy. in the interim, we will continue to take all necessary measures to protect our national and economic security against the adverse effects of their bad conduct. the problems lie with the illicit behavior and dangerous ambition of the iranian regime, not the legitimate aspirations and interests of the iranian people. our strategy is to block the threats posed by the regime while expanding our enga ent and outreach to the people the regime is oppressing” (nss 2006, p.20-21).

national security strategy in barak obama’s administration

while unites states during the bush administration faced many economic, military and political problems and a $1.4 trillion deficit (mckinnon, 2010), choosing obama with the rate of 62/6 percent participation (robbins, 2008) and the slogan of “change” as the first black president was a failure to the new conservatives.

the nss 2010 can be briefed in the first chapter, “shape an international order capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century” (nss 2010) with u.s. leadership.

obama then describes the world is it is, and with mentioning the opportunities and the threats, he suggest that the way to overcome the international problems and threats in 21 century is “building at home, shaping abroad” by the fundamental connection between “national security, our national competitiveness, resilience, and moral example” (nss 2010 p2). therefore, obama’s national security strategy has four main principles to explain his “building at home, shaping abroad”:

  • renewed and expanded alliances;
  • strength abroad through strength at home, with an emphasis on education, clean energy, technology, and innovation;
  • support for international development and a revitalized diplomatic corps;
  • promotion of democracy and human rights (la franchi,2010)

according to these document three major threats is facing u.s. national security: economic crisis, arms control and nuclear proliferation and terrorism (berger 2010). it is important to mention that for the first time in a nss the internal terrorism is considered.

in this document it is stated that the “effort is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of american power” and military operation after using diplomacy and as the last option will be in action. therefore, unites states even emphasizing leadership of the world highlights the diplomacy and expansive cooperation of its allies (nss, 2010, p3).

one of the key points of this document is obama’s confirmation that “what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and influence beyond them” (nss, 2010, p2). he to explain this policy mentions, “the investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader effort that will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries; lowering the cost of health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the federal deficit”(nss, 2010).

another main factor of this document is that it does not speaks about the victory of united states leadership, as bush and clinton do, but it emphasis observing “the world as it is”. it seems that the idealism of bush to change the world is replaced by a kind of realism that pays attention to the united states limitations.

covering u.s. - iran relations

one of the regions of the world more than any other in the period of new conservative of the previous administration was blamed by united states was middle east. bush administration with the pretext of eleventh of september attacks occupied afghanistan and iraq. the nss 2002 does not mention any profound anonymity toward iran, but it seems that bush administration needed iran’s accompanying to invade afghanistan and iraq. however, in the second nss of bush, 2006, iran was the mentioned as the prime challenge, “we may face no greater challenge from a single country than from iran” (nss 2006, p.20)

by the obama’s slogan of “change”, people of region, even iranian people expected a change in the strategy and actions of united states. many of iranians who were worry about u.s. possible attack to iran during bush and neoconservatives administration felt that choosing a black man as the president can thwart the threat and a change in u.s. policy will happen. nonetheless, the events showed that the animosity of u.s. toward iran is a fundamental policy of united states, and by the change of democrat or republican presidents, it will not change.

the name of iran in obama’s nss has been mentioned for fourteen times, one time more than russia. therefore, at the first glance we can understand that the iran case in obama’s foreign affairs has taken a bold attention. however, obama in the contrary of bush do not speaks in animosity but brings the name of iran with north korea and terrorism as the one that iran support in the region. “the united states will pursue the denuclearization of the korean peninsula and work to prevent iran from developing a nuclear weapon. this is not about singling out nations—it is about the responsibilities of all nations and the success of the nonproliferation regime. both nations face a clear choice. if north korea eliminates its nuclear weapons program, and iran meets its international obligations on its nuclear program, they will be able to proceed on a path to greater political and economic integration with the international community” (nss 2010, p. 23). obama speaks about direct and unconditional talks to iran and says that it is the time for pressure on iran; therefore, he chooses the “carrot and stick policy”. he writes, “obama supports tough, direct diplomacy with iran without preconditions. now is the time to pressure iran directly to change their troubling behavior. obama would offer the iranian regime a choice. if iran abandons its nuclear program and support for terrorism, we will offer incentives like membership in the world trade organization, economic investments, and a move toward normal diplomatic relations. if iran continues its troubling behavior, we will step up our economic pressure and political isolation. seeking this kind of comprehensive settlement with iran is our best way to make progress”(obama, 2008) . obama in his nss continues with obligation and coercive means, “if they ignore their international obligations, we will pursue multiple means to increase their isolation and bring them into compliance with international nonproliferation norms” (nss 2010, p.24). obama mentions that one of the top national security priorities of united states is the weapon of m destruction, which iran and north korea are looking for it (nss 2010, p. 4). he emphasis that actions and coercive actions will be done through international organizations such as un and international atomic energy agency (iaea), “we are strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (npt) as the foundation of nonproliferation, while working through the npt to hold nations like iran and north korea accountable for their failure to meet international obligations” (nss 2010, p. 4).

iran as the regional power in middle east has been accused by united states to support militias in the region after islamic revolution 1979. there are some elements of the obama’s strategies in the middle east, which directly or indirectly concerns to iran. u.s.-israel relations, as the u.s. friend and ally in the region, arab-israel conflicts, iraq security and unity, and afghanistan problems are some issues that iran can affect the united states strategy in the region. obama the same as his predecessor accuses iran to endanger region security and supporting terrorism. he accentuates continuation of sanctions and do not refuse the military option against iran. he writes, “for decades, the islamic republic of iran has endangered the security of the region and the united states and failed to live up to its international responsibilities. in addition to its illicit nuclear program, it continues to support terrorism, undermine peace between israelis and palestinians, and deny its people their universal rights. many years of refusing to engage iran failed to reverse these trends; on the contrary, iran’s behavior be e more threatening. enga ent is something we pursue without illusion. it can offer iran a pathway to a better future, provided iran’s leaders are prepared to take it. however, that better pathway can only be achieved if iran’s leaders change course, act to restore the confidence of the international community, and fulfill their obligations. the united states seeks a future in which iran meets its international responsibilities, takes its rightful place in the community of nations, and enjoys the political and economic opportunities that its people deserve. yet if the iranian government continues to refuse to live up to its international obligations, it will face greater isolation” (nss 2010, p.26).

this document under the “safeguarding the global commons” headline points about the importance of straits, seas and space and implies the iran’s threat to close hormoz strait, “we must work together to ensure the constant flow of commerce, facilitate safe and secure air travel, and prevent disruptions to critical communications. we must also safeguard the sea, air, and space domains from those who would deny access or use them for hostile purposes. this includes keeping strategic straits and vital sea-lanes open, improving the early detection of emerging maritime threats, denying adversaries hostile use of the air domain, and ensuring the responsible use of space. as one key effort in the sea domain, for example, we will pursue ratification of the united nations convention on the law of the sea” (nss 2010, p.50).

nonetheless, the new thing in obama’s speech in the first month of his presidency was ideas about direct talk to iran and using the “islamic republic of iran” instead of iran and his persu ion on iran’s right to have nuclear energy. obama in his electoral speech had said about unconditional talk to iran, which was adapted to his “change” policy. he even in many times had criticized the republican policy to threaten iran by military action. obama believed in usage of diplomacy to solve iran nuclear issue and meanwhile he talked about economical and polictical pressure on iran (obama, 2008). in the other side, neoconservative critics describe power of soft strategy of obama to iran as incomperehensive. in their point of view, iran’s cooperation after eleventh of septembre was the result of it’s worry of a possible attack to iran after invasion to afghanistan and iraq (holmes, 2010).

conclusion

the terrorism of 9/11 dramatically altered the sense of lack of grand strategy in the united states that pervailed during the 1990s and provided the impetus for a new grand strategy, and after publlishing the nss 2002 and 2006 by bush administration dedicates the new grand strategy for u.s.

analysing the national security strategy of the united states of america in 2002, 2006, and 2010 reveals that a coercive diplomacy in u.s.-iran relations has been applying by u.s. but iran is a large power with enormous natural resources critical to the global energy supply. moreover, the government of iran tended to maintain cooperation with the west. since the islamic revolution, u.s. administrartions focused on providing more intelligence and information on iran. the united states kept the threat of military force on the table, however it kept diplomacy in the forefront.

the preemptive use of force in the face of imminent attach makes strategic sense in u.s. administration after 2001 and is supported by international law and the just wari tradition (lieber, 2007). therefore the nss of bush administration in 2002 and 2006 advocated the preemptive use of military force against terrorists or state sponsors of terrorism that attempt to gain or use weapons of m destructions. according to the document, “as a matter of common sense and self-defense, america will act against such emerging threats before they are fully formed” (nss 2002, p. preface). this principle expressed by the nss is highly controversial, however, as it broadens the meaning of preemption to encomp military action “even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy’s attach”. critics argue that this attempt to include preventive military action under the category of preemtion has no legal or practical basis, and thus see the bush doctrine as a worrisome break from tradition.

the nss 2002 and 2006 cited u.s. unparalleled position of power in the world and held that a fundamental goal of grand strategy should be to maintain american primacy by discouraging the rise of any challengers: “today, the united states enjoys a position of unparalleled military strength and great economic and political influence. in keeping with our heritage and principles, we do not use our strength to press for unilateral a ntage. we seek instead to create a balance of power that favors human freedom” (nss 2002, p. preface). the strategy does not declare deterrence to be dead. in erting that the united states "must build and maintain our defenses beyond challenge," it flatly states the u.s. military must be able to "deter threats against u.s. interests, allies, and friends." if anything, the strategy actually broadens the role of deterrence in u.s. national security policy. the purpose of a strong military is not just to deter the adversary on the battlefield but also "to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military buildup in hopes of surp ing, or equaling, the power of the united states" (nss 2002, p.30).

bush strategy envisions a narrower role for preemption. it discusses preemption in the specific context of defeating terrorists and rogue states. it never suggests preemption has a role to play with respect to a rising china or any residual threat posed by russia.

the strategy's argument for preempting rogue states is more debatable. it rests on the disputed claim that "deterrence based upon the threat of retaliation is less likely to work against leaders of rogue states more willing to take risks." this conclusion is based more on conjecture than hard evidence. iraq and north korea, the only two rogue states that the nss 2002 mentions by name, have both shown they understand deterrence. but later with the nss 2006 it adds iran, the third member of the "axis of evil," not just a rogue state but a tyrant.

instead of the doctrine of the preemptive attack and the unilateral action of bush, the son, obama’s national security strategy generally emphasizes on the precautionary actions, multilateralism, specially international diplomacy, and alliances (look at the following table, article 15). this theme was clear in one of the obama’s speech before publishing his nss when he has said that america would reach out to other countries as “an equal partner” rather than as the “exceptional” nation that many before him had embraced; that any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail; and that u.s. problems must be dealt with through partnership and progress must be shared (holmes, 2010).

by qualitative analysis of the content of the nss 2002, 2006 and 2010 we have found some main themes which regards to iran and the policies which is chosen to deal with iran in u.s. administrations of george w. bush and barak obama. according to these findings, coercive diplomacy is used by u.s. administrations to oppress iran in some aspects of its nuclear power program, supporting some armed groups in the region of middle east, its human rights case, intervening in the israel-palestine peace process, and change of its policies and fundamentals in the region and toward the west. as we have told before, u.s. determination to fight in afghanistan and iraq and the help which it need from iran as the country which has a key role in the region and also the policy of khatami’s government before and after the eleventh of september, the nss 2002 never mentions iran directly. but in nss 2006 which coincides with the change of policy of the two countries against each other, the name of iran takes a bold attention and sixteen times is repeated. iran also gets a main role in the foreign policy of obama’s as a case that can bring success and fame for him, therefore the nss 2010 mentions 14 times the name of iran (the table, article 1).

by looking at the table below we can see that the tone of president bush in the nss 2006 gets a harsh one and the coercive diplomacy comes to its high level but obama’s tone to address iran is more gently and even for the first time mention the name of “islamic republic of iran”. nss 2006 names countries such as iran as a tyrant and blames it for looking for the weapons of m destruction in five times (in nss 2010, one time indirectly), blames iran for harboring terrorism and supporting them for five times (in nss 2010, two times), aggressive behavior and dangerous ambitions for five times (in nss 2010, three times), neglecting human rights for three times (in nss 2010, one time) and addressing iran as the country which threatens the peace and security of the united states ( in nss 2010 it is mentioned indirectly) (the table, article 2-7), however the nss 2010 when talks about the iran’s threat to its neighbors, israel and the peace process of israel-palestine it even get a harsher tone than the previous nss (the table, article 8-10).

while both bush and obama insist on pressure on iran to meet international obligations, bush threats iran to use any measure even force and follows to engage with the peoples and internal opponents of iran, but obama choose its policy based on indirectly threat of use of force and enga ent with the government of iran (the table, article 11- 14).

table: the themes of nss 2002, 2006 and 2010 regarding iran.

themes nss

nss 2002

nss 2006

nss 2010

1

adressing iran & iranian

0

16 times

14 times

2

using tyranny of ryrann words to name

countries such as iran

˟

ö

ˣ

3

adressing iran as the counry which threatens

peace and u.s. security

indirectly

directly

indirectly

4

blaming iran for looking for the weapons of

m destruction

indirectly

5 times

indirectly

5

blaming iran for harbouring and supporting

terrorism home and abroud

indirectly

4 times

2 times


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لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس جدید اروپایی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

مدل لباس عروس جدید اروپایی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس جدید اروپایی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند  لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

لباس عروس صورتی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

مدل های زیبای لباس عروس پفی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

مدل لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

لباس عروس شیک کارشده و بلند اروپایی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

مدل های شیک لباس عروس پفی اروپایی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

مدل های شیک لباس عروس پفی اروپایی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

مدل های شیک لباس عروس پفی اروپایی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس بلند اروپایی

 لباس عروس 95 , مدل لباس عروس 2016 , لباس عروس سال , لباس عروس شیک

مدل های زیبای لباس عروس پفی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

مدل لباس عروس حریر و گیپور اروپایی

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس 95 , لباس عروس 2016 , مدل لباس عروس پفی , لباس عروس بلند

لباس عروس ترکی و اسکارلت پفی ۳

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

سری سوم

اسکارلت پفی و ترکی رو در ادامه این پست ببینید

۳۳ ع از لباس عروس های منتخب

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس های اروپایی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس ترکیه

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

مدل لباس عروس ترک زیبا

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروسی های ترکی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی

لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس ماهی بلند

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

مدل لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی اروپایی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

مدل های لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی اروپایی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس توری

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس های زیبای ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

مدل های شیک لباس عروس پفی

لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

مدل های جدید لباس عروس ماهی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

تور لباس عروس

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس گیپور ترکی

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

ع های لباس عروسی شیک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

لباس عروس 94 , لباس عروس اسکارلت پفی , لباس عروس ماهی ,مدل لباس عروس ترک

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united states national security strategy (nss) and u.s-iran relations:

a comparison of bush and obama’s governments

by:

alireza mozafari

university of tehran

faculty of world studies

abstract:

the collapse of the soviet union has left a rough balance of power in eurasia. if either russia or china begins to build up its military power, there are plenty of wealthy and capable states at either end of eurasia to contain them. indeed, russia and china help to contain one another. so other regional power such as iran which can affect u.s interest in the middle east can be under the focus. iran as the country which challenges the he ony of u.s. has a key role in the region. so these two global and regional powers should have strategies and policies against each other. according to “forceful persuasion” (alexander l. george, 1991) coercive diplomacy attempts to get a target- a state, region, or a nonstate actor- to change its behavior through the threat to use force of through the actual use of limited force (art, 2009). this study based on george theory of forceful persuasion, shows that u.s. in both of the governments of bush and obama kept the threat of military force on the table to achieve their goals in their deals and antagonism toward iran. this threat was sometimes not just a bluff and comes in article of bush’s national security strategy as preemptive war (nss, 2002) and in the obama’s nss can be found tacitly from the text. so i ume that the study of united states of america’s nss can give us an understanding of u.s. strategy in the government of bush and obama and therefor the u.s-iran relations in during these two presidency.

this study offers a qualitative content analysis of national security strategy in the governments of bush and obama and therefore the comparative research is used too. foreign strategies and policies of united states against iran, a discussion of the dynamics of their relations, and some examples of historical events and histories, albeit the ones which can be the outcomes of u.s’s nss in that two governments, are analyzed and compared. because strategic concerns have always dominated this relationship, and this continues to be so today, studying the u.s-iran relations without studying u.s strategies is not meaningful.

previously snider (1995) has analyzed the content of the goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986. i in edition to this document, try to work and analyze and compare the contents of nsss in the governments of bush and obama to answer these questions:

why and how the nss be e a part of american strategy?

what correlation between u.s’s national security strategy (nss) and us-iran relations can be comprehended?

how the articles of nss, from nss2002 to nss2010, directly or indirectly name iran?

what is the correlation of the articles of nss’s and u.s-iran relations?

does the antagonism leads to cooperation?

table of contents

table of contents..........................................................................iv

introduction........................................................................

the national security strategy..........................................................................................................

comparison of security strategies........................................................................................................

national military strategy.....................................................................................................................

coercive diplomacy……………………….............................................................................................

the national security strategy 2010.....................................................................................

comparison of national security strategies……………………………………………….............................

proactive vs. reactive..........................................................................................................................

u.s-iran relation……………………………………………………….......................................

introduction:

nearing end of cold war, a new strategic environment was appearing and the bipolar system was disappearing. in this regard persian gulf war is one of the first evolutions which by its end u.s. by declaring the ‘’new world order” tried to dominate the world.

this article tries to study and ess the u.s. national security strategy (nss) of 2002, 2006 and 2010. there are plenty of studies about u.s. strategies, but precisely our goal of this study is to clarify the items in the nss and its mandates about iran directly or indirectly. i believe that the u.s-iran relation is affected by the nss and u.s. policy which is mentioned in nss. in this regard i look forward to find the items in every published nss that refers to iran and the areas which is regarded to iran. also i would like to understand the correlation of the u.s. strategies and the relations between u.s. and iran and also the way they behaved in some cases as some examples. so this article should be of interest to specialist of foreign relation and strategy& policy makers of these two countries and also the readers who analyze the current and future condition of iran-u.s. relation.

strategy gives a country the capacity to make a model and gives a way to concentrate sources and capabilities of a country to reach the general goals and causes to actualize the thoughts and ideas to physical power as well. so as robert osgood defines that “strategy must now be understood as nothing less than the overall plan for utilizing the capacity for armed coercion - in conjunction with economic, diplomatic, and psychological instruments of power - to support foreign policy most effectively by overt, covert and tacit means” (baylis, 2007) the strategy is an overall plan of a country. united states of america as a superpower which affects iran security and strategy should be studied by its grand strategies. in this regard essing the national security strategy of u.s. as the most important and grand strategy of u.s. can lead us to understand the foreign policy of this country. i believe that studying the nss should be one of the most important aspects of u.s. relations with other regional powers such as iran.

iran as the country which challenges the he ony of u.s. has a key role in the region as well. so these two global and regional powers should have strategies and policies against each other, but this article tries just to study the correlation of american nss and u.s-iran relation and wants to find out that the can their relation be changed by the change of government and therefore new nss? to answer this question, this article tries to compare two governments of bush and obama in issuing their nss and following it as guidance in grand strategy of u.s. national security and foreign policy to found what items of these nss has lead u.s-iran relations in the period of those two presidencies.

united states national security strategy (nss)

the national security strategy (nss) is a document prepared periodically by the executive branch of the government of the united states for congress which outlines the major national security concerns of the united states and how the administration plans to deal with them. the legal foundation for the document is spelled out in the goldwater-nichols act. the document is purposely general in content (contrast with the national military strategy, (nms) and its implementation relies on elaborating guidance provided in supporting documents.

regarding goldwater-nichols act as the founder of the nss a perception of this act and its context is necessary. the stated intent of the goldwater-nichols legislation is broadly accepted as valid for effective political discourse on issues affecting the nation's security, the congress and the executive need a common understanding of the strategic environment and the administration's intent as a starting point for future dialogue. that said, however, it is understood that in the adversarial environment that prevails, this report can only provide a beginning point for the dialogue necessary to reach such a "common" understanding (snider 1995). in the first page of this act it had been mentioned that the purpose of this act is: “to reorganize the department of defense and strengthen civilian authority in the department of defense, to improve the military advice provided to the president, the national security council, and the secretary of defense, to place clear responsibility on the commanders of the unified and specified combatant commands for the accomplishment of missions igned to those commands and ensure that the authority of those commanders is fully commensurate with that responsibility, to increase attention to the formulation of strategy and to contingency planning, to provide for more efficient use of defense resources, to improve joint officer mana ent policies, otherwise to enhance the effectiveness of military operations and improve the mana ent and administration of the department of defense, and for other purposes” (goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986).

according to the sec.104 of this act:

(a)(1) the president shall transmit to congress each year a comprehensive report on the national security strategy of the united states (hereinafter in this section referred to as a ‘national security strategy report’).

(2) the national security strategy report for any year shall be transmitted on the date on which the president submits to congress the budget for the next fiscal year under section 1105 of title 31, united states code.

the duties of the government and all the parts that are responsible to ociate with the government to carry out the nss are mentioned in the act and in some of the statements like sec. 104:

(b) each national security strategy report shall set forth the national security strategy of the united states and shall include a comprehensive description and discussion of the following:

(1) the worldwide interests, goals, and objectives of the united states that are vital to the national security of the united states.

(2) the foreign policy, worldwide commitments, and national defense capabilities of the united states necessary to deter aggression and to implement the national security strategy of the united states.

(3) the proposed short-term and long-term uses of the political, economic, military, and other elements of national power of the united states to protect or promote the interests and achieve the goals and objectives referred to in parag h (1).

(4) the adequacy of the capabilities of the united states to carry out the national security strategy of the united states, including an evaluation of the balance among the capabilities of all elements of national power of the united states to support the implementation of the national security strategy.

(5) such other measures as may be helpful to inform congress on matters relating to the national security strategy of the united states. (goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986)

however the “nss is a document which offers the m ive strategy and general goals of u.s. regarding national security” (dau, 2009) nss can be shown as the strategic thought o iven president and gives researchers and policy makers a reliable source and indicate. that is why we see new visions in presidency paigns.

the requirement of producing this report (nss) along with the budget request leads to an iterative, interagency process involving high level meetings that helps to resolve internal differences in foreign policy agendas. however, “this report was not to be a neutral planning document, as many academics and even some in uniform think it to be’’(snider 1995). rather it was intended to serve five primary purposes.

1) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to congress, and thus legitimize its requests for resources. 2) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to foreign constituencies, especially governments not on the u.s.’s summit agenda. 3) communicate with select domestic audiences, such as political supporters seeking presidential recognition of their issues, and those who hope to see a coherent and farsighted strategy they could support. 4) create internal consensus on foreign and defense policy within the executive branch. 5) contribute to the overall agenda of the president, both in terms of substance and messaging.

foreign policy of the united states:

the foreign policy of the united states is the way in which it interacts with foreign nations and sets standards of interaction for its organizations, corporations and individual citizens.

the officially stated goals of the foreign policy of the united states, as mentioned in the foreign policy agenda of the u.s. department of state, are "to build and sustain a more democratic, secure, and prosperous world for the benefit of the american people and the international community" (u.s. dept of state).

introduction to iran and u.s. relations

the u.s. and iran severed official diplomatic relations following the 1979 islamic revolution in iran and currently have no official relations. however, it was not always so. amb ador exchanges began in the mid 00s and during the second

world war ties were cemented as iran collaborated with the allies allowing the transportation of war material through iran to the beleaguered russians in the caucasus region.

as the cold war developed, u.s. iranian ties depended; the u.s. sought further iranian cooperation in containing communism in asia while on iran received military and economic support and enjoyed western technological istance in exploiting its oil wealth. at this time, cultural, military, economic and political relations ran deep. yet, it was precisely in this context that us-iranian relations grew then ultimately withered.

the iranian perspective

iran could be considered a fiercely anti-american nation. antagonism to the u.s. occupies a central role in the daily political, and in many cases, the social fabric of iran. this animosity has its sources in previous decades and revolves around two main themes; opposition to u.s. intrusion into domestic iranian affairs and what iran considers to be u.s. aggression.

the cia/uk orchestrated coup that removed iranian prime minister mohammed

mossadeq in 1953 is one example of u.s. interference in iranian affairs. additionally, iran accuses the u.s. of fostering rebellion in iran through funding and support of antigovernment groups in iran. the free life party of kurdistan (kurdish) and the jundallah (balochi) are two militant nationalist movements that iran has long charged the united states with funding. in addition, iran charges that the u.s. has played a role in the demonstrations against the 2009 presidential elections in iran. military aggression is another issue that lies at the top of iran’s list of grievances.

during the iran-iraq war (1980-1988) most of the world’s nations supported iraq against iran. yet iran resents the u.s. support of iran’s enemy during this war in particular. specifically, iran continues to carry a grudge over the u.s. supplying iraq with the chemical weapons it used during the war.

adding fuel to the fire, in july of 1988, u.s. guided missile cruiser the uss vincennes on station in the persian gulf s down iranian airlines flight 655 killing 290. the u.s. maintains the downing was a case of mistaken identity with the iranians considering it a deliberate act of war and another example of u.s. aggression.

a final major sticking point is the economic sanctions that the u.s. has placed on iran. starting under the carter administration, the u.s. has steadily increased its sanctions regime in place. these sanctions prohibit the transfer of much-needed military and petroleum technology as well as prohibiting u.s. companies and individuals from investing in or doing business with iranian nationals and companies.

in short, in iranian political thought, anti-american sentiments run deep. the list of

grievances is long; foreign intervention, coups, military aggression, support of iraq and not to mention a perceived political disrespect for the iran itself and accu ions of american attempts of global he ony.

these are the major issues that lie at the center of iranian and u.s. relations.

the american perspective

despite the cooperation of the 40s, 50s and 60s, it was the overthrow of the u.s. emb y in tehran in 1979 and the subsequent 444-day hostage crisis which severed american and iranian relations. however, according to the united states, tensions with iran are perpetuated by iran’s current conduct rather than events that occurred 36 years ago. today it’s iran’s nuclear program and allegedly support for international terrorism, which the u.s. considers to be one of the major the obstacles to the resumption of us-iran relations.

currently, iran’s nuclear program might be the single greatest impediment to the resumption of us-iranian relations. according to the u.s., iran has been developing clandestine nuclear weapons program under the guise of an effort to acquire atomic energy. iran contends that their program is peaceful. nevertheless, the u.s. sites a series of inconsistencies and failure to meet aeia requirements. this case is currently being played out.

iran’s alleged support for some military groups such as hezbollah is another major point of contention. according to the u.s. department of state, the government of iran is a designated state sponsor of terrorism. this means that iran provides support for groups who target civilians for political goals. the united states alleges that iran supports terrorism primarily through its proxies, two well-known ones being hezbollah and hamas. inside iran there is the iranian revolutionary guards corp (irgc) which the u.s. also is considering labeling a terrorist organization do to its provision of terrorist training and support to groups active in areas such as georgia, chechnya, the balkans and the wider middle east.

furthermore, the united states charges iran with supporting groups that have committed terrorist attacks upon the u.s. specifically. two such cases are; the april

1983, bombing of a u.s. emb y in beirut with a loss of over 60 lives and the october 1983, suicide bombing of a u.s. marine barracks in beirut with a loss of 299 lives. the u.s. believes iran to be responsible for planning and coordination these attacks and civil cases have been brought against iran. in american eyes, iran’s support for international terrorism, its nuclear weapons program and its vitriolic anti-western policy creates a ‘perfect storm’ which the u.s. simply cannot ignore.

why essing the national security strategy (nss) of u.s.?

u.s. is a powerful country which is trying to keep its position in superiority and sovereignty over the regions and over the world.

with the election of obama as the new president of u.s. and declaring the nss 2010 we can see some different views toward middle east and iran in contrast to bush’s strategies. cautioning to face a war with u.s. in bush period, iranian authorities dared to follow their rights in nuclear deal with 5+1 after obama election and the strategies of its government. the recent election of presidency in iran, is another opportunity for policymakers to look more deeply to the strategies of u.s.

by analyzing of the content of the nss and analyzing of the historical events, this article at the end can judge that these two antagonist countries can seat and have talk and cooperation in some cases.

coercive diplomacy

the concept of coercive diplomacy has been a topic of discussion for the past sixty years. several authors have made the claim that coercive diplomacy is the greatest tactic to be used in a conflict, and that it is the method of choice for gaining certain capabilities and needs. although it may seem that it has a defined definition, it is evident that there is much more to the idea than a single defined sentence.

in the early 1990’s alexander george explained through research and his books that this idea known as “coercive diplomacy” could be used to help promote peace with a few strategic guidelines behind it. george explained that there were four basic principles to understanding the concept. these included: “the demand, the means used for creating a sense of urgency, the threatened punishment for noncompliance, and the possible use of incentives” (george, 1991). he explains that “the adversary's perception of the coercing power's motivation and commitment, and the adversary's essment of the credibility and potency of its threat, play the most significant role in determining the success or failure of a coercive strategy” (george, 1991).

national security strategy 2010

while unites states during the bush administration faced many economic, military and political problems and a $1.4 trillion deficit (mckinnon, 2010), choosing obama with the rate of 62/6 percent participation (robbins, 2008) and the slogan of “change” as the first black president was a failure to the new conservatives. so i consider that the tune of the nss should be different.

the main principles

the nss 2010 can be briefed in the first chapter as “shape an international order capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century” (nss 2010) with u.s. leadership.

obama then describes the world is it is, and with mentioning the opportunities and the threats, he suggest that the way to overcome the international problesms and threats in 21 century is “building at home, shaping abroad” by the fundamental connection between “national security, our national competitiveness, resilience, and moral example” (nss 2010 p2). so obama’s national security strategy has four main principles to explain his “building at home, shaping abroad”:

· renewed and expanded alliances;

· strength abroad through strength at home, with an emphasis on education, clean energy, technology, and innovation;

· support for international development and a revitalized diplomatic corps;

· promotion of democracy and human rights (la franchi,2010)

according to this document three major threats is facing u.s. national security: economic crisis, arms control and nuclear proliferation and terrorism (berger 2010). it is important to mention that for the first time in a nss the internal terrorism is considered.

in this document it is stated that the “effort is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of american power” and military operation after using diplomacy and as the last option will be in action. so unites states even emphasizing leadership of the world highlights the diplomacy and expansive cooperation of its allies (nss, 2010, p3).

references:

robins, liz (2008). “alaska wilderness (poll edition),” the new york times, november6, http://thecaucus.blog.nytimes.com/2008/11/06/alaska-wilderness-poll-edition/

berger, samuel r. (2010). “obama’s national security strategy: a little george bush, lots of bill clinton,” washington post, may 30, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/05/28/ar2010052804466.html

alexander l. george. (1991). forceful persuasion: coercive diplomacy as an alternative to war (washington, d.c: united states institute of peace press,1991).

.

robert j, art (2009). america's grand strategy and world politics. routledge.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/national_security_strategy_%28united_states%29

http://nssarchive.us/nssr

snider, don m. (march 1995). '’ the national security strategy: documenting strategic vision’’. strategic studies institute.

http://www.state.gov/s/d/rm/index.htm#mission

james m. mccormick, american foreign policy and process (2009)

www.foreignaffairs.house.gov

dau (defense acquisition university) (2009). glossary of defense acquisition acronyms and terms, 13th edition. https://dap.dau.mil/aphome/das/pages/dauonlineglossary

la franchi, howard (2010). ‘’obama’s national security strategy: is ‘i’m not bush’ ending?,’’ the christian science monitor, may 26, http://www.csmonitor.com/usa/foreign-policy/2010/0526/obama-s-national-security-strategy-is-i-m-not-bush-ending

mckinnon, john d (2010). “a 'bleak' budget but slightly better” the wall street journal, january 27, http://online.wsj.com/articles/sb10001424052748703906204575026942464525862

bondi, matt (2009). “the obama doctrine starting to take shape,” guelph mercury, march 19

isaiah wilson iii (2007), ‘’rediscovering containment: the source of american – iranin conduct’’, journal of international affairs, vol.60.

dale, catherine (2008). national security strategy: legislative mandates, execution to date, and considerations for congress. crs report for congress, order code rl34505.

www.csmonitor.com/usa/foreignpolicy/2010/0526/obama-s-national-security-strategy-is-im-not-bush-ending>

http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/dossiers/ future of us-iran relations

bylis, john et al. (2007), strategy in the contemporary world: an intriducion to strategic studies, oxford university press.

dale, catherine (2008). national security strategy: legislative mandates, execution to date, and consideration for congress.

george alexander l. and smoke, richard (1974). deterrence in american foreign policy: theory and practice.

irtpa (inteligence reform and terrorism preventation act) (2004).

kissinger, henry (2002). does america need a foreign policy?: toward a diplomacy for the 21th century. simon & schuster.

mead, walter russel (2002). special providence: american foreign policy and how it changed the world. routledge.

shapiro, ari (2010). ‘’obama’s new security strategy to stress cooperation.’’ us national public radio, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyid=127140683

the new york times (2009). ‘’text: obama’s speech in cairo.’’ june4,

the washington institute for near east policy (winep).

biddle, stephen d. (2005). american grand strategy after 9/11: an essment , diane publishing.

brands, hal (2008). from berlin to baghdad: america’s search for purpose in the post-cold war world, lexongton: university press of kentucky.

bush doctrine, constitutional rights foundation, http://www.crf-usa.org/war-in-iraq/bush-doctrine.html

gaddis , john lewis (2005), ‘’grand strategy in the second term,’’ foreign affairs, vol. 48.

ikenberry , john (2001), ‘’american grand strategy in age of terror, ‘’survival, vol.43.

layne, christofer (1998). rethinking american grand strategy hegmony or balance og power in the twenty-first century?, ‘’world politics journal, vol.15.

layne, christofer (2009). america’s middle east grand strategy after iraq: the moment for offshore balancing has arrived,’’ review of international studies, vol.35.

slantchev, branislav l. (2009). ‘’national security strategy: new world order, 1992-2000,’’ department of political science, university of california- san diego, december 25.

wright, robin b. (2010). the iran primer: power, politics, and u.s policy, united states institute of peace press (usip press), 2010.

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united states national security strategy (nss) and u.s-iran relations:

a comparison of bush and obama’s governments

abstract:

the collapse of the soviet union has left a rough balance of power in eurasia. if either russia or china begins to build up its military power, there are plenty of wealthy and capable states at either end of eurasia to contain them. indeed, russia and china help to contain one another. so other regional power such as iran which can affect u.s interest in the middle east can be under the focus. iran as the country which challenges the he ony of u.s. has a key role in the region. so these two global and regional powers should have strategies and policies against each other. according to “forceful persuasion” (alexander l. george, 1991) coercive diplomacy attempts to get a target- a state, region, or a nonstate actor- to change its behavior through the threat to use force of through the actual use of limited force (art, 2009). this study based on george theory of forceful persuasion, shows that u.s. in both of the governments of bush and obama kept the threat of military force on the table to achieve their goals in their deals and antagonism toward iran. this threat was sometimes not just a bluff and comes in article of bush’s national security strategy as preemptive war (nss, 2002) and in the obama’s nss can be found tacitly from the text. so i ume that the study of united states of america’s nss can give us an understanding of u.s. strategy in the government of bush and obama and therefor the u.s-iran relations in during these two presidency.

this study offers a qualitative content analysis of national security strategy in the governments of bush and obama and therefore the comparative research is used too. foreign strategies and policies of united states against iran, a discussion of the dynamics of their relations, and some examples of historical events and histories, albeit the ones which can be the outcomes of u.s’s nss in that two governments, are analyzed and compared. because strategic concerns have always dominated this relationship, and this continues to be so today, studying the u.s-iran relations without studying u.s strategies is not meaningful.

previously snider (1995) has analyzed the content of the goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986. i in edition to this document, try to work and analyze and compare the contents of nsss in the governments of bush and obama to answer these questions:

why and how the nss be e a part of american strategy?

what correlation between u.s’s national security strategy (nss) and us-iran relations can be comprehended?

how the articles of nss, from nss2002 to nss2010, directly or indirectly name iran?

what is the correlation of the articles of nss’s and u.s-iran relations?

does the antagonism leads to cooperation?

introduction:

nearing end of cold war, a new strategic environment was appearing and the bipolar system was disappearing. in this regard persian gulf war is one of the first evolutions which by its end u.s. by declaring the ‘’new world order” tried to dominate the world.

this article tries to study and ess the u.s. national security strategy (nss) of 2002, 2006 and 2010. there are plenty of studies about u.s. strategies, but precisely our goal of this study is to clarify the items in the nss and its mandates about iran directly or indirectly. i believe that the u.s-iran relation is affected by the nss and u.s. policy which is mentioned in nss. in this regard i look forward to find the items in every published nss that refers to iran and the areas which is regarded to iran. also i would like to understand the correlation of the u.s. strategies and the relations between u.s. and iran and also the way they behaved in some cases as some examples. so this article should be of interest to specialist of foreign relation and strategy& policy makers of these two countries and also the readers who analyze the current and future condition of iran-u.s. relation.

strategy gives a country the capacity to make a model and gives a way to concentrate sources and capabilities of a country to reach the general goals and causes to actualize the thoughts and ideas to physical power as well. so as robert osgood defines that “strategy must now be understood as nothing less than the overall plan for utilizing the capacity for armed coercion - in conjunction with economic, diplomatic, and psychological instruments of power - to support foreign policy most effectively by overt, covert and tacit means” (baylis, 2007) the strategy is an overall plan of a country. united states of america as a superpower which affects iran security and strategy should be studied by its grand strategies. in this regard essing the national security strategy of u.s. as the most important and grand strategy of u.s. can lead us to understand the foreign policy of this country. i believe that studying the nss should be one of the most important aspects of u.s. relations with other regional powers such as iran.

iran as the country which challenges the he ony of u.s. has a key role in the region as well. so these two global and regional powers should have strategies and policies against each other, but this article tries just to study the correlation of american nss and u.s-iran relation and wants to find out that the can their relation be changed by the change of government and therefore new nss? to answer this question, this article tries to compare two governments of bush and obama in issuing their nss and following it as guidance in grand strategy of u.s. national security and foreign policy to found what items of these nss has lead u.s-iran relations in the period of those two presidencies.

united states national security strategy (nss)

the national security strategy (nss) is a document prepared periodically by the executive branch of the government of the united states for congress which outlines the major national security concerns of the united states and how the administration plans to deal with them. the legal foundation for the document is spelled out in the goldwater-nichols act. the document is purposely general in content (contrast with the national military strategy, (nms) and its implementation relies on elaborating guidance provided in supporting documents.

regarding goldwater-nichols act as the founder of the nss a perception of this act and its context is necessary. the stated intent of the goldwater-nichols legislation is broadly accepted as valid for effective political discourse on issues affecting the nation's security, the congress and the executive need a common understanding of the strategic environment and the administration's intent as a starting point for future dialogue. that said, however, it is understood that in the adversarial environment that prevails, this report can only provide a beginning point for the dialogue necessary to reach such a "common" understanding(snider 1995). in the first page of this act it had been mentioned that the purpose of this act is: “to reorganize the department of defense and strengthen civilian authority in the department of defense, to improve the military advice provided to the president, the national security council, and the secretary of defense, to place clear responsibility on the commanders of the unified and specified combatant commands for the accomplishment of missions igned to those commands and ensure that the authority of those commanders is fully commensurate with that responsibility, to increase attention to the formulation of strategy and to contingency planning, to provide for more efficient use of defense resources, to improve joint officer mana ent policies, otherwise to enhance the effectiveness of military operations and improve the mana ent and administration of the department of defense, and for other purposes” (goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986).

according to the sec.104 of this act:

(a)(1) the president shall transmit to congress each year a comprehensive report on the national security strategy of the united states (hereinafter in this section referred to as a ‘national security strategy report’).

(2) the national security strategy report for any year shall be transmitted on the date on which the president submits to congress the budget for the next fiscal year under section 1105 of title 31, united states code.

the duties of the government and all the parts that are responsible to ociate with the government to carry out the nss are mentioned in the act and in some of the statements like sec. 104:

(b) each national security strategy report shall set forth the national security strategy of the united states and shall include a comprehensive description and discussion of the following:

(1) the worldwide interests, goals, and objectives of the united states that are vital to the national security of the united states.

(2) the foreign policy, worldwide commitments, and national defense capabilities of the united states necessary to deter aggression and to implement the national security strategy of the united states.

(3) the proposed short-term and long-term uses of the political, economic, military, and other elements of national power of the united states to protect or promote the interests and achieve the goals and objectives referred to in parag h (1).

(4) the adequacy of the capabilities of the united states to carry out the national security strategy of the united states, including an evaluation of the balance among the capabilities of all elements of national power of the united states to support the implementation of the national security strategy.

(5) such other measures as may be helpful to inform congress on matters relating to the national security strategy of the united states. (goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986)

however the “nss is a document which offers the m ive strategy and general goals of u.s. regarding national security” (dau, 2009) nss can be shown as the strategic thought o iven president and gives researchers and policy makers a reliable source and indicate. that is why we see new visions in presidency paigns.

the requirement of producing this report (nss) along with the budget request leads to an iterative, interagency process involving high level meetings that helps to resolve internal differences in foreign policy agendas. however, “this report was not to be a neutral planning document, as many academics and even some in uniform think it to be’’(snider 1995). rather it was intended to serve five primary purposes.

1) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to congress, and thus legitimize its requests for resources. 2) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to foreign constituencies, especially governments not on the u.s.’s summit agenda. 3) communicate with select domestic audiences, such as political supporters seeking presidential recognition of their issues, and those who hope to see a coherent and farsighted strategy they could support. 4) create internal consensus on foreign and defense policy within the executive branch. 5) contribute to the overall agenda of the president, both in terms of substance and messaging.

foreign policy of the united states:

the foreign policy of the united states is the way in which it interacts with foreign nations and sets standards of interaction for its organizations, corporations and individual citizens.

the officially stated goals of the foreign policy of the united states, as mentioned in the foreign policy agenda of the u.s. department of state, are "to build and sustain a more democratic, secure, and prosperous world for the benefit of the american people and the international community"(u.s. dept of state).

introduction to iran and u.s. relations

the u.s. and iran severed official diplomatic relations following the 1979 islamic revolution in iran and currently have no official relations. however, it was not always so. amb ador exchanges began in the mid 00s and during the second

world war ties were cemented as iran collaborated with the allies allowing the transportation of war material through iran to the beleaguered russians in the caucasus region.

as the cold war developed, u.s. iranian ties depended; the u.s. sought further iranian cooperation in containing communism in asia while on iran received military and economic support and enjoyed western technological istance in exploiting its oil wealth. at this time, cultural, military, economic and political relations ran deep. yet, it was precisely in this context that us-iranian relations grew then ultimately withered.

the iranian perspective

iran could be considered a fiercely anti-american nation. antagonism to the u.s. occupies a central role in the daily political, and in many cases, the social fabric of iran. this animosity has its sources in previous decades and revolves around two main themes; opposition to u.s. intrusion into domestic iranian affairs and what iran considers to be u.s. aggression.

the cia/uk orchestrated coup that removed iranian prime minister mohammed

mossadeq in 1953 is one example of u.s. interference in iranian affairs. additionally, iran accuses the u.s. of fostering rebellion in iran through funding and support of antigovernment groups in iran. the free life party of kurdistan (kurdish) and the jundallah (balochi) are two militant nationalist movements that iran has long charged the united states with funding. in addition, iran charges that the u.s. has played a role in the demonstrations against the 2009 presidential elections in iran. military aggression is another issue that lies at the top of iran’s list of grievances.

during the iran-iraq war (1980-1988) most of the world’s nations supported iraq against iran. yet iran resents the u.s. support of iran’s enemy during this war in particular. specifically, iran continues to carry a grudge over the u.s. supplying iraq with the chemical weapons it used during the war.

adding fuel to the fire, in july of 1988, u.s. guided missile cruiser the uss vincennes on station in the persian gulf s down iranian airlines flight 655 killing 290. the u.s. maintains the downing was a case of mistaken identity with the iranians considering it a deliberate act of war and another example of u.s. aggression.

a final major sticking point is the economic sanctions that the u.s. has placed on iran. starting under the carter administration, the u.s. has steadily increased its sanctions regime in place. these sanctions prohibit the transfer of much-needed military and petroleum technology as well as prohibiting u.s. companies and individuals from investing in or doing business with iranian nationals and companies.

in short, in iranian political thought, anti-american sentiments run deep. the list of

grievances is long; foreign intervention, coups, military aggression, support of iraq and not to mention a perceived political disrespect for the iran itself and accu ions of american attempts of global he ony.

these are the major issues that lie at the center of iranian and u.s. relations.

the american perspective

despite the cooperation of the 40s, 50s and 60s, it was the overthrow of the u.s. emb y in tehran in 1979 and the subsequent 444-day hostage crisis which severed american and iranian relations. however, according to the united states, tensions with iran are perpetuated by iran’s current conduct rather than events that occurred 36 years ago. today it’s iran’s nuclear program and allegedly support for international terrorism, which the u.s. considers to be one of the major the obstacles to the resumption of us-iran relations.

currently, iran’s nuclear program might be the single greatest impediment to the resumption of us-iranian relations. according to the u.s., iran has been developing clandestine nuclear weapons program under the guise of an effort to acquire atomic energy. iran contends that their program is peaceful. nevertheless, the u.s. sites a series of inconsistencies and failure to meet aeia requirements. this case is currently being played out.

iran’s alleged support for some military groups such as hezbollah is another major point of contention. according to the u.s. department of state, the government of iran is a designated state sponsor of terrorism. this means that iran provides support for groups who target civilians for political goals. the united states alleges that iran supports terrorism primarily through its proxies, two well-known ones being hezbollah and hamas. inside iran there is the iranian revolutionary guards corp (irgc) which the u.s. also is considering labeling a terrorist organization do to its provision of terrorist training and support to groups active in areas such as georgia, chechnya, the balkans and the wider middle east.

furthermore, the united states charges iran with supporting groups that have committed terrorist attacks upon the u.s. specifically. two such cases are; the april

1983, bombing of a u.s. emb y in beirut with a loss of over 60 lives and the october 1983, suicide bombing of a u.s. marine barracks in beirut with a loss of 299 lives. the u.s. believes iran to be responsible for planning and coordination these attacks and civil cases have been brought against iran. in american eyes, iran’s support for international terrorism, its nuclear weapons program and its vitriolic anti-western policy creates a ‘perfect storm’ which the u.s. simply cannot ignore.

why essing the national security strategy (nss) of u.s.?

u.s. is a powerful country which is trying to keep its position in superiority and sovereignty over the regions and over the world.

with the election of obama as the new president of u.s. and declaring the nss 2010 we can see some different views toward middle east and iran in contrast to bush’s strategies. cautioning to face a war with u.s. in bush period, iranian authorities dared to follow their rights in nuclear deal with 5+1 after obama election and the strategies of its government. the recent election of presidency in iran, is another opportunity for policymakers to look more deeply to the strategies of u.s.

by analyzing of the content of the nss and analyzing of the historical events, this article at the end can judge that these two antagonist countries can seat and have talk and cooperation in some cases.

alexander l. george. (1991). forceful persuasion: coercive diplomacy as an alternative to war.

.

references:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/national_security_strategy_%28united_states%29

http://nssarchive.us/nssr

snider, don m. (march 1995). '’ the national security strategy: documenting strategic vision’’. strategic studies institute.

http://www.state.gov/s/d/rm/index.htm#mission

james m. mccormick, american foreign policy and process (2009)

www.foreignaffairs.house.gov

dau (defense acquisition university) (2009). glossary of defense acquisition acronyms and terms, 13th edition. https://dap.dau.mil/aphome/das/pages/dauonlineglossary

la franchi, howard (2010). ‘’obama’s national security strategy: is ‘i’m not bush’ ending?,’’ the christian science monitor, may 26, www.csmonitor.com/usa/foreignpoplicy /2010/0526/

bondi, matt (2009). “the obama doctrine starting to take shape,” guelph mercury, march 19

isaiah wilson iii (2007), ‘’rediscovering containment: the source of american – iranin conduct’’, journal of international affairs, vol.60.

dale, catherine (2008). national security strategy: legislative mandates, execution to date, and considerations for congress. crs report for congress, order code rl34505.

www.csmonitor.com/usa/foreignpolicy/2010/0526/obama-s-national-security-strategy-is-im-not-bush-ending>

http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/dossiers/future of us-iran relations

bylis, john et al. (2007), strategy in the contemporary world: an intriducion to strategic studies, oxford university press.

dale, catherine (2008). national security strategy: legislative mandates, execution to date, and consideration for congress.

george alexander l. and smoke, richard (1974). deterrence in american foreign policy: theory and practice.

irtpa (inteligence reform and terrorism preventation act) (2004).

kissinger, henry (2002). does america need a foreign policy?: toward a diplomacy for the 21th century. simon & schuster.

mead, walter russel (2002). special providence: american foreign policy and how it changed the world. routledge.

shapiro, ari (2010). ‘’obama’s new security strategy to stress cooperation.’’ us national public radio, studies institutes,

the new york times (2009). ‘’text: obama’s speech in cairo.’’ june4,

the washington institute for near east policy (winep).

biddle, stephen d. (2005). american grand strategy after 9/11: an essment , diane publishing.

brands, hal (2008). from berlin to baghdad: america’s search for purpose in the post-cold war world, lexongton: university press of kentucky.

bush doctrine, constitutional rights foundation, http://www.crf-usa.org/war-in-iraq/bush-doctrine.html

gaddis , john lewis (2005), ‘’grand strategy in the second term,’’ foreign affairs, vol. 48.

ikenberry , john (2001), ‘’american grand strategy in age of terror, ‘’survival, vol.43.

layne, christofer (1998). rethinking american grand strategy hegmony or balance og power in the twenty-first century?, ‘’world politics journal, vol.15.

layne, christofer (2009). america’s middle east grand strategy after iraq: the moment for offshore balancing has arrived,’’ review of international studies, vol.35.

slantchev, branislav l. (2009). ‘’national security strategy: new world order, 1992-2000,’’ department of political science, university of california- san diego, december 25.

wright, robin b. (2010). the iran primer: power, politics, and u.s policy, united states institute of peace press (usip press), 2010.



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برابری (تشابه) واژه های (لغات ) مغولی و تورکی (زبانهای ائیک)
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برابری :تشابه واژه های:کلمات(لغات ) مغولی و ترکی ، تورکی (زبانهای ائیک) در زیر آمده است
(turki tarjome $ mogoli @ tarjome) ......................altin gold $ altan @ gold al red $ al @ red at horse $ agta @ gelding av chase, hunt $ aba @ chase, hunt baghla- to tie, to fasten $ bagla- @ to tie in bunches carla- to make known $ zarla- @ to order, make known chagh time, period $ cag @ time, period, season, age dal back, shoulder $ dalu @ shoulder blade, scapula sal raft $ sal @ raft ulak courier, messenger $ ulag-a @ relay horses burchak common vetch $ burcag @ bean dayak (to beat with a $ tayag @ cane, staff, stick cane) hakan khan, ruler, $ xagan @ emperor, khan emperor 1.2 a: „ ara- to look for $ „ri- @ to look for gidikla- to tickle $ g„d„g„l„- @ to tickle dalak spleen $ d„lig @ spleen olcay happiness (a proper $ ”lz„i @ luck, happiness, name), luck, happi- success ness, success aghla- to cry, to weep $ „g„gl„- @ to wail 1.3 a: i ara- to look for $ „ri- @ to look for chalkalan- to make waves $ calgila- @ to splash; to wash over dalak spleen $ d„lig @ spleen kasharli old $ xasir @ well trained arak sweet liquor $ ariki @ liquor soghan onion $ songgin-a @ onion sallak naked $ shalig @ profligate, lewd, obscene yansha- to be talkative $ yangsi- @ to prattle, jabber hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 6 = ________________________________________________________________________ 1.4 a: o pulat steel $ bolod @ steel kolan cinch, girth $ olong @ belly chulpan venus $ colmon @ morning star, venus ak el, guest's $ xonog @ night (spent) chamber otak imperial tent $ otog @ tribe, nation tak- to dress; to add, $ toxu- @ to put on or over; attach to saddle 1.5 a: u bohcha package $ bogcu @ bag, backpack aldan- to mistake, err $ andu- @ to mistake kabar- to swell $ xabud- @ to swell sachak eave(s [of a $ sacug @ tuft, fringe, tas- building]); fringe sel topalla- to limp $ dogul- @ to limp, be lame yara- to use; to profit $ zaru- @ to make use 1.6 a: 0 - to acquire a taste $ dad-, das- @ to become ac- for customed to; to ac- quire experience tapala- to (put a) stopper $ tagla- @ to stop up, cork, close 1.7 a: aga, aba, uga, ogo, agu batur -- hero $ bagatur @ hero bahadir dalga wave $ dabalgan @ wave bora tempest, hurrican $ borugan @ rain kova bucket, pail $ xobug-a @ well bucket budala stupid $ bidagu @ stupid, silly 2.0 e 2.1 e: „ elchi amb ador $ „lci @ amb ador erdem virtue $ „rd„m @ learning, virtue tmen ten thousand; divi- $ tm„n @ ten thousand sion (households) er male, hero $ „r-„ @ man, male erk power $ „rk„ @ power hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 7 = ________________________________________________________________________ gerekche reason, proof $ g„r„ci @ proof en broadness; most $ „ng @ broad, most deve el $ t„m„g„ @ el belgi feature $ b„lg„ @ sign, mark, symbol bel waist $ b„l @ waist; declivity demir iron $ t„mr @ iron kesik cut, truncated $ k„s„g @ part, piece, sec- tion serin cool, fresh $ s„rign @ cool seyrek widely set; sparse $ s„yir„g @ thin, sparse eshek donkey $ „lzig„ @ donkey 2.2 e: i eshek donkey $ „lzig„ @ donkey gerekche reason, proof $ g„r„ci @ proof inek cow $ niy-„ @ cow sheker sugar $ sikir @ sugar kelepir cheap $ kilbar @ cheap chek- to pull, draw $ cinggaga- @ to pull 2.3 e: a elma apple $ alim-a @ pear elmas diamond $ almas @ diamond yench- to crush $ yanchi- @ to crush yen- to defeat, attack $ zanci- @ to beat 2.4 e: ” tre rule, law $ t”r @ government, state, dynasty tre- to appear, bring $ t”r”- @ to give birth to forth bez fabric $ b”s @ fabric 2.5 e: yrek heart $ zirk„ @ heart srek flock of cattle $ srg @ group, flock of cattle eylem deed, process $ il„ @ matter, behaviour, alive 2.6 e: „g„ deve el $ t„m„g„ @ el hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 8 = ________________________________________________________________________ ebe midwife; grand- $ „m„g„ @ grand-(mother) mother tekle- to miss, to mis- $ t„g„gl„- @ to block, hinder fire; to stammer, to stutter eyer saddle $ „m„g„l @ saddle 2.7 e: 0 aile household, family $ ayil @ village, household, family, people kelepir cheap $ kilbar @ cheap 3.0 i 3.1 i: a altin gold $ altan @ gold kis- to shrink, reduce $ xasu- @ to reduce, shrink arish pole (of a car) $ aral @ shaft or thill of a cart 3.2 i: „ gidikla- to tickle $ g„d„g„l„- @ to tickle sirik club $ s„r„g„ @ fork hirchin wicked, cruel, bru- $ k„rc„g„i @ wicked, cruel, bru- tal tal 3.3 i: i yil year $ zil @ year kil hair $ kilgasu @ hair of the mane and tail kiraghi frost $ kiragu @ frost sir glaze of pottery ( $ sir @ varnish, lacquer tani- to know $ tani- @ to know tik- to cram, jam, $ ciki- @ to jam, stuff, thrust, stick press yarim half $ zarim @ part, some, incom- plete siva- to plaster; to $ siba- @ to plaster; to app- smear ly mud sakin- to pay attention; $ saki- @ to observe, to protect respect, look after hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 9 = ________________________________________________________________________ 3.4 i: u buzaghi calf; fawn $ biragu @ calf in its second year kadin woman, wife $ xatun @ lady, queen, prin- cess; wife (hon.) kiraghi frost $ kiragu @ frost yargi to judge $ zargu @ lawsuit, ligitation tansik interesting $ tangsug @ beautiful 3.5 i: aga, agu, igu, „g„ azi molar $ arag-a @ molar, sprocket kati hard $ xatagu @ hard ari pure $ arigun @ clean sirt back $ s„g„r @ spine, backbone 4.0 i 4.1 i: i bilgi knowledge, learn- $ bilig @ talent, wisdom ing, information bileghi whetstone $ bil„g @ whetstone bin thousand $ mingg-a @ thousand chiz- to draw, paint $ ziru- @ to draw, paint chiy dew $ cigig @ dampness, moisture im mark, trace $ im @ mark iz scar $ ir @ scar ikiz twins $ ik„r-„ @ twins kir dirt, filth $ gkir @ dirt sicim string, twine, $ sizim @ cord, string, twine packthread sindir- to erase $ singg„- @ to dissolve zindan prison $ gindan @ prison 4.2 i: „ chichek flower $ c„c„g @ flower deghirmen mill $ t„g„rm-„ @ mill dingil axis $ t„ngg„lig @ axletree eghir- to spin $ „g„r„- @ to rotate; to spin, twist geghir- to belch, burp, $ k„k„r„- @ to belch, eruct eructate hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 10 = ________________________________________________________________________ kim who $ k„n @ who titre- to shiver, tremble, $ c„c„r„- @ to tremble, shake, shake, quiver (=$ cicir„-) @ shiver, quake, quiver belgi feature $ b„lg„ @ sign, mark, symbol ilk first, initial, $ „ki @ beginning, first beginning kip form, type $ k„b @ model, form 4.3 i: a kelepir cheap $ kilbar @ cheap 4.4 i: o billur crystal $ bolor @ crystal 4.5 i: , inek cow $ niy-„ @ cow demir iron $ t„mr @ iron bilezik bracelet; hand- $ bl„z„g, finger ring cuffs; metal ring b„lzig @ bileghi whetstone $ bil„g @ whetstone 5.0 o 5.1 o: o bohcha bundle, package $ bogcu @ bag, backpack bogh- to strangle, choke $ bogu- @ to bind, tie, bundle, w bora tempest, hurrican $ borugan @ rain kolan cinch, girth $ olong @ belly - to rest, sleep $ xono- @ to spend a night kova bucket, pail $ xobug-a @ well bucket kovla- ro run down; to $ xobla- @ to slander, vilify blame kop- to break, snap $ xobxo @ asunder, apart koyun sheep $ xoni @ sheep ordu army $ ordo @ palace orun place $ oron @ position, place, area otak imperial tent $ otog @ tribe, nation (name of a tribe: otog) ot herb(al medicine) $ otaci @ (old) pharmacist, doctor hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 11 = ________________________________________________________________________ soru- to $ soru- @ to in, draw in 5.2 o: u kopchala- to close the but- $ xubcala- @ to dress tons o arment bogha bull $ bux-a @ bull koch ram $ xuca @ ram sor- to ask, inquire $ sura- @ to ask, hear about tolga war helmet $ dugulg-a @ helmet toklu yearling sheep $ tugul @ calf less than a year old yol- to pluck; to pull $ zulgaga- @ to pull out; hold out tight; seize 5.3 o: a oymak tribe $ ayimag @ league, tribe ch leg (of a boot or $ kancu @ sleeve stocking) 5.4 o: i yoghur- to knead $ zigura- @ to knead, mix 5.5 o: ” olcay happiness (a proper $ ”lz„i @ luck, happiness, name), luck, happi- success ness, success 5.6 o: oo, ogo, igu tor thin net $ toor @ net, hull toz powder, ashes $ togosu @ ashes, dust yolcu traveller $ zigulci @ traveller, explorer tortu sediment, deposit, $ dooradu @ low, lower; insig- dregs nificant, inferior hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 12 = ________________________________________________________________________ 6.0 ” 6.1 ”: ” b”lk part $ b”l”g @ group, part b”brek kidney $ b”g„r-„ @ kidney, testicle ch”l desert $ c”l @ desert, desolate place, ch”p waste $ c”b @ deposit, sediment d”l seed, germ; young, $ t”l @ newborn young offspring animals, issue g”ghs breast, nipples $ k”k @ female breast, nip- ples g”k sky; blue $ k”k„ @ blue g”lk pack animal $ k”l”g @ a strong and swift (= $ klg) @ horse k”pr bridge $ k”g”rg„ @ bridge k”pk foam $ k”g„s @ foam k”rk bellows $ k”g„rg„ @ bellows ”br other, different $ ”g„r-„ @ other, different ”ch hatred $ ”s @ hatred ”r- to plait, knit; to $ ”r- @ to set in order, tie; to built, put in line, ar- erect (a wall) range in a row s”n- to go out, die down $ s”n”- @ to be extinguished, (fire) to go out 6.2 ”: ”kz ox $ k„r @ ox y”n direction, aspect $ zg @ direction, aspect ”l- to die, wither $ r„- @ to exhaust, sacrifice ”lger saying $ lig„r @ model, story 6.3 ”: o ”bek pile, flock $ obog-a @ pile, flock 7.0 u 7.1 u: u bughday wheat $ bugudai @ wheat bughra male el $ buur-a @ male el burchak common vetch $ burcag @ bean burk- to twist $ muski- @ to turn, twist, twirl burun nose $ burantag @ rope (through a nose) kuraltay meeting $ xural @ meeting hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 13 = ________________________________________________________________________ kurut dry milk cheese $ xurud @ milk curd kus- to vomit $ xusu- @ to vomit tulga ( met tulum animal skin; over- $ tulum @ leather bag alls; bag pipe ulak courier, messenger $ ulag-a @ relay horse ulus nation, people $ ulus @ people, nation; country, state; empire, dynasty urgan rope $ urax-a @ net uruk clan $ urug @ relatives by mar- riage uyak rhyme $ uyangg-a @ harmony, euphony, melody ulu- to howl $ uli- @ to howl 7.2 u: o kum sand, sandstone $ xumag @ fine sand sungur white falcon $ shongxor @ falcon, gerfalcon (=$ singxur) @ sokur blind $ soxor @ blind uchkun spark $ oci @ spark pulat steel $ bolod @ steel bul- to find; to dis- $ ol- @ to find cover chulpan venus $ colmon @ morning star, venus 7.3 u: i ulu- to howl $ uli- @ to howl buzaghi calf; fawn $ biragu @ calf in its second year kaburga rib $ xabirg-a @ rib koru- to protect $ xori- @ to shut in, con- fine, emprison, en- close koyun sheep $ xoni @ sheep kovcu backbiting; $ xobci @ denunciator, talebearing slanderer angut a kind of duck $ anggir @ a kind of yellow duck 7.4 u: a chamur mud $ sibar @ mud duldala- to protect $ daldala- @ to hide, conceal hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 14 = ________________________________________________________________________ 7.5 u: ” buz ice $ m”s @ ice ulu great, high $ ”rl”g @ high 7.6 u: ugu, aga tulga ( met kuzu lamb $ xurag-a @ lamb 8.0 8.1 : gch power, force $ kc @ power, strength gch difficult(y) $ kcir @ difficult, tiresome kkre- to roar (lion); to $ krkir„- @ to growl, grunt, bellow snarl sprge broom $ sigr @ broom sr drove, flock $ srg @ group, flock of cattle st milk $ s @ milk re- to reproduce; to $ r„zi- @ to multiply, multiply, increase propagate; to breed rk- to shy, balk $ rg- @ to be[come] alarmed (horse); to be or frightened frightened zm g $ zm @ g 8.2 : ” bkk twisted, bent, $ b”kg„r @ bent, inclined for- curved ward b”lk part $ b”l”g @ group, part, com- panion btn whole, complete, $ b”t”n @ complete, all all bz- to gather, to con- $ bs„l„- @ to belt, gird; to strict, to pucker encircle, surround gmrk customs $ k”mrg„ @ warehouse, storehouse tr kind, sort, type $ t”rl @ kind, sphere, branch tre rule, law $ t”r @ government, state, dynasty hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 15 = ________________________________________________________________________ tre- to appear, bring $ t”r”- @ to give birth to forth by magic, spell, sor- $ b”g„ @ shaman cery br- to w , to enfold; $ bri- @ to cover, envelop to cover up 8.3 : „ ”kz ox $ k„r @ ox by magic, spell, sor- $ b”g„ @ shaman cery 8.4 : i yrek heart $ zirk„ @ heart yz face, surface $ zis @ appearance, fea- ture, complexion sr- to drag $ cir- @ to drag, haul, pull along, trail along the ground 8.5 : u sn- to stretch $ sung- @ to stretch, extend, (=$ sunu-)@ lengthen g owl $ uguli @ owl 8.6 : ”g„ grlde- to thunder $ k”g„rld- @ to become excited; to rejoice 9.0 b 9.1 b:b bacanak brother-in-law $ baza @ brother-in-law baghla- to tie, to fasten $ bagla- @ to tie in bunches baghir- to shout, yell, cry $ barkira- @ to shout, cry, yell bal honey, nectar $ bal @ honey, nectar balta axe $ balta @ sledge hammer; axe batur -- hero $ bagatur @ hero bahadir hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 16 = ________________________________________________________________________ bay gentleman; rich $ bayan @ richness, prosperity; rich bek cf. t. pek $ b„ki @ strong, firm, solid; robust, vigourous, durable bel waist $ b„l @ waist; declivity belgi feature $ b„lg„ @ sign, mark, symbol bez fabric $ b”s @ fabric bilgi knowledge, learn- $ bilig @ talent, wisdom ing, information bileghi whetstone $ bil„g @ whetstone bogha bull $ bux-a @ bull boghum knot, joint, node $ bugui - baguu forearm, wrist @ bohcha bundle, package $ bogcu @ bag, backpack bora tempest, hurrican $ borugan @ rain b”brek kidney $ b”g„r-„ @ kidney, testicle b”lk part $ b”l”g @ group, part, com- panion bughday wheat $ bugudai @ wheat bughra male el $ buur-a @ male el bulak well, source $ bulag @ source, origin burchak common vetch $ burcag @ bean burun nose $ burantag @ rope (through a nose) buzaghi calf; fawn $ biragu @ calf in its second year kaburga rib $ xabirg-a @ rib 9.2 b: m bin thousand $ mingg-a @ thousand boncuk bead $ moncog @ large red ornamen- tal t el suspended from a horse's neck and/or breast b”ghr- to bellow, low; to $ m”g„r„- @ to moo, low, bellow moo (of cows) bunak dotard $ munug @ feeble-minded buz ice $ m”s @ ice burk- to twist $ muski- @ to turn, twist, twirl ebe midwife; grand- $ „m„g„ @ grand-(mother) mother 9.3 b: g ”br other, different $ ”g„r-„ @ other, different gebe pregnant $ k„g„l @ placenta, belly b”brek kidney $ b”g„r-„ @ kidney, testicle hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 17 = ________________________________________________________________________ 10.0 c 10.1 c: z bacanak brother-in-law $ baza @ brother-in-law cebe weapon $ z„bs„g @ weapon car cry, call $ zar @ written order or instruction; an- nouncement carla- to make known $ zarla- @ to order, make known 10.2 c: c cengiz chingis (a name) $ cinggis @ chinggis (khan) boncuk bead $ moncog @ large red ornamen- tal t el suspended from a horse's neck and/or breast dagharcik leather bag; $ tagarcug @ pocket; purse; knowledge small bag yolcu traveller $ zigulci @ traveller, explorer 11.0 ch 11.1 ch: c chalchene chatterbox, gossip $ calciy-a @ idle talk, nonsense chalka- to rinse, to wash $ calgi- @ to splash; to wash off over; to pour over chalkala- to rinse, to wash $ calgila- @ to splash; to wash off over chichek flower $ c„c„g @ flower chay tea (leaves) $ cai @ tea (leaves) cheri army $ c„rig @ army chimdik pinch $ cimki @ pinch (of salt, tobacco, etc.) ch”l desert $ c”l @ desert, desolate place chin upright, real $ cing @ honest gerekche reason, proof $ g„r„ci @ proof 11.2 ch: sh hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 18 = ________________________________________________________________________ chamur mud $ sibar @ mud 11.3 ch: z chim lawn, garden gr $ zim @ turf, sward achimla- to comment $ azigla- @ to observe, pay at- tention; to notice, note chim- to sink $ zib- @ to sink uch tip, point, top, $ zgr @ tip, point, summit, end end; top ch”kelek cheese made of $ z”g„k„i @ cream curds 11.4 ch: s chuval sack $ sumal @ oblong bag or sack ”ch hatred $ ”s @ hatred 12.0 d 12.1 d: d dal back, shoulder $ dalu @ shoulder blade, scapula dalak spleen $ d„lig @ spleen dalga wave $ dabalgan @ wave gidikla- to tickle $ g„d„g„l„- @ to tickle odun firewood, log $ modu(n) @ wood 12.2 d: t damga stamp; mark $ tamag-a @ seal, stamp; brand dayak (to beat with a $ tayag @ cane, staff, stick cane) deghirmen mill $ t„g„rm-„ @ mill demir iron $ t„mr @ iron deve el $ t„m„g„ @ el dingil axis $ t„ngg„lig @ axletree kadin woman, wife $ xatun @ lady, queen, prin- cess; wife (hon.) d”l seed, germ; young, $ t”l @ newborn young offspring animals, issue hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 19 = ________________________________________________________________________ 12.3 d: k chimdik pinch $ cimki @ pinch (of salt, tobacco, etc.) 12.4 d: s - to acquire a taste $ dad-, das- @ to become ac- for customed to; to ac- quire experience 12.5 d: c adim step, pace $ al @ step, pace dik perpendicular; $ cig @ direction, course; upright, straight straightness 13.0 f 13.1 f: b defter book, volume $ d„bt„r @ book, volume 14.0 g 14.1 g: g dalga wave $ dabalgan @ wave damga stamp; mark $ tamag-a @ seal, stamp; brand kaburga rib $ xabirg-a @ rib yargi to judge $ zargu @ lawsuit, ligitation 14.2 g: x sungur white falcon $ shongxor @ falcon, gerfalcon (=$ singxur) @ 14.3 g: g gerekche reason, proof $ g„r„ci @ proof hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 20 = ________________________________________________________________________ gidikla- to tickle $ g„d„g„l„- @ to tickle 14.4 g: k geghir- to belch, burp, $ k„k„r„- @ to belch, eruct eructate gev- to mumble, chew $ k„bi- @ to ruminate, chew the cud gevrek crisp, brittle, $ k„b„r„g @ brittle, fragile, crackly frail, flimsy g”ghs breast, nipples $ k”k @ female breast, nip- ples gerek requisite, need, $ k„r„g @ thing (abstr.), necessity matter, affair g”k sky; blue $ k”k„ @ blue g”tr- to take (away), $ k”tl- @ to lead; to guide carry, convey g”lk pack animal $ k”l”g @ a strong and swift (=$ klg) @ horse gch power, force $ kc @ power, strength 15.0 gh 15.1 gh: g bagh bunch, bundle; bond $ bag @ group, band, team baghla- to tie, to fasten $ bagla- @ to tie in bunches bogh- to strangle, choke $ bogu- @ to bind, tie, bundle, w boghum knot, joint, node $ bugui - baguu forearm, wrist @ chagh time, period $ cag @ time, period, season, age kiraghi frost $ kiragu @ frost sagh- to milk (an animal) $ saga- @ to milk tugh horsetail $ tug @ flag, standard, banner yatughan -- a kind of zither $ yatug-a @ zither harp yatuk 15.2 gh: x agha lord, master, $ ax-a @ elder brother chief, boss, landowner bogha bull $ bux-a @ bull hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 21 = ________________________________________________________________________ 15.3 gh: g bileghi whetstone $ bil„g @ whetstone deghirmen mill $ t„g„rm-„ @ mill soghan onion $ songgin-a @ onion eghir- to spin $ „g„r„- @ to rotate; to spin, twist egh- to bend, incline, $ „g„- @ to return, go back curve, bow yeghen nephew; niece $ zig„ @ child of one's daughter or sister 15.4 gh: k baghir- to shout, yell, cry $ barkira- @ to shout, cry, yell g”ghs breast, nipples $ k”k @ female breast, nip- ples sigh- to fit (into) $ sixa- @ to press, squeeze, squash 15.5 gh: u, gu, maga (?) bughra male el $ buur-a @ el bughday wheat $ bugudai @ wheat dagh -- damga brand; mark $ tamag-a @ seal, stamp; brand 16.0 h 16.1 h: x hakla- to overcome, beat, $ xagal- @ to break, split, suppress, crush chip, cut through han khan, king, chief $ xan @ khan, king, chief hakan khan, ruler, $ xagan @ emperor, khan emperor hatun woman; lady; wife $ xatun @ lady, queen, prin- cess; wife (hon.) haykir- to shout, scream, $ xaskir- @ to shout, scream, yell, howl (=$ xashkir-) @ yell, howl 16.2 h: k hickir- to crunch $ k„rcigin„- @ to crunch hircinlik wicked, cruel, bru- $ k„rc„g„i @ wicked, cruel, bru- tal tal hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 22 = ________________________________________________________________________ hirgr quarrel, dispute $ k„r„gl @ quarrel, dispute hirilti wheeze; snarl $ k„r„ldg„n @ quarrel, dispute 16.3 h: g bohcha bundle, package $ bogcu @ bag, backpack 17.0 k 17.1 k: x kaghan emperor $ xagan @ emperor, khan kabar- to swell $ xabud- @ to swell kaburga rib $ xabirg-a @ rib kadin woman, wife $ xatun @ lady, queen, prin- cess; wife (hon.) kuraltay meeting $ xural @ meeting kamu all(together) $ xamug @ all; whole kara black; dark $ xar-a @ black; dark karshi opposite; opposing; $ xarsi @ obstacle, anti-, counter- hindrance, barrier kas muscle $ xasa @ thigh kasik groin $ xasa @ thigh kasharlan- to become neyed $ xasirla- @ to be careful, ex- perienced kan- to content oneself $ xan- @ to content oneself kavla- to peel off $ xagura- @ to peel off kuru dry $ xagurai @ dry sakal beard, whiskers $ saxal @ beard sik- to squeeze, press; $ sixa- @ to press, squeeze, to tighten squash yaka collar; edge, bank, $ zax-a @ rim, border; collar shore alka- to stay for the $ xonugla- @ to stay for the night night kopchala- to close the but- $ xubcala- @ to dress tons o arment kulak ear $ xulugu @ earwax tak- to dress; to add, $ toxu- @ to put on or over; attach to saddle 17.2 k: k chakim -- spark, lightning $ cakilgan @ lightning chakin g”k sky; blue $ k”k„ @ blue kert- to notch; to s e $ k„rci- @ to cut, mince, slice hugjiltu: comparison of turkish and mongolian = 23 = ________________________________________________________________________ tik- to cram, jam, $ ciki- @ to jam, stuff, thrust, stick press kelepir cheap $ kilbar @ cheap kil hair $ kilgasu @ hair of the mane and tail 17.3 k: g yarlik (arch.; = yarligh) $ zarlig @ decree, command, command, edict, order decree dayak (to beat with a $ tayag @ cane, staff, stick cane) sallak naked $ shalig @ profligate, lewd, obscene ulak courier, messenger $ ulag-a @ relay horses bulak well, source $ bulag @ source, origin burchak common vetch $ burcag @ bean hakla- to overcome, beat, $ xagal- @ to break, split, suppress, crush chip, cut through tansik interesting $ tangsug @ beautiful بقیه لغات را در سایت زیر مشاهده کنید http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/corff/im/sprache/hugjilt.unx

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turkish-türkçe
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

turkish is a turkic language with about 70 million speakers in turkey and in 35 other countries, including australia, austria, azerbaijan, belgium, bulgaria, canada, cyprus, denmark, el salvador, finland, france, georgia, germany, greece, honduras, iran, iraq and israel.

until 1928, turkish was written with a version of the perso-arabic script known as the ottoman turkish script. in 1928, as part of his efforts to modernise turkey, mustafa kemal atatürk issued a decree replacing the arabic script with a version of the latin alphabet, which has been used ever since. nowadays, only scholars and those who learnt to read before 1928 can read turkish written in the arabic script.

ottoman turkish script (لسان عثمانى)

ottoman turkish abjad

numerals

arabic numerals and turkish numbers

sample text

sample text in the ottoman turkish script

translation

all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. they are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
(article 1 of the universal declaration of human rights)

latin alphabet for turkish (türk alfabesi)

turkish pronunciation

notes
  • â = [ ja: ] and û = [ ju: ] after g, k and l
  • g = [ gj ] and k = [ kj ] before (and sometimes after) e, i, ö and ü.
  • ğ = [ j ] before (and sometimes after) e, i, ö and ü. between vowels it is not pronounced, but lengthens the preceding vowel. this letter is usually known as yumuşak ge.
  • l = [ ʎ ], before (and sometimes after) e, i, ö and ü, and after back vowels at the ends of words
  • h = [ ħ ] before consonants and at the end of words
  • the letters q (qu), x (iks) and w (we) are not included in the official turkish alphabet, but are used in foreign names and loanwords.
-->

sample text in turkish

bütün insanlar hür, haysiyet ve haklar bakımından eşit doğarlar. akıl ve vicdana sahiptirler ve birbirlerine karşı kardeşlik zihniyeti ile hareket etmelidirler.

translation

all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. they are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
(article 1 of the universal declaration of human rights)



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7 tricks to learn any language in 7 days (from the superpolyglot twins who did i
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do you really have to travel to another country to learn the language? the 10-language twins undertook the challenge of learning a language in a week in berlin, their city of residence. what can we learn from ?؟how they learned?

what’s possible in a week? if you dedicated seven days to the achievement of one goal, how ambitious could you make this goal? these were the questions that the multilingual twins matthew and michael youlden posed themselves when they determined to learn turkish in one week. they would attempt to liberate themselves from the distractions and responsibilities of modern-day life in order to cram eight hours of study time into their daily routine. here are the seven things that i learned by observing some of the world’s most capable language learners.

 

1. get to know why

lesson learned: clearly define your goal at the very beginning and then plot a route towards this goal’s achievement.

the twins set themselves the challenge of learning a language in a week in order to stretch themselves, and then it was a question of choosing which language to learn. turkish presented itself as a natural option; there are nigh on 300,000 turkish speakers in germany’s capital, and the areas of kreuzberg and neukölln are dotted with stores adorned with signs in turkish. truly understanding one’s environment in these neighbourhoods requires one to first understand turkish.

2. get sticky

lesson learned: map and label your immediate environment in the new language from the very first moment. you’ll build and reinforce ociations p ively while going about your daily life.

the first operational step in the twins’ learning process was to decorate the entire apartment with sticky notes. this had an almost ceremonial touch to it as the twins delved into dictionaries and proceeded to label everything with its corresponding turkish name. within the space of about an hour it was impossible to carry out any menial task, be it making a coffee or flicking off a light switch, without first being presented with at least three different words related to this action.

3. get a partner

lesson learned: there are few better motivations than a peer with the same goal. whether you’re motivated by competition or a sense of mutual responsibility, the mere presence of a learning partner is likely to exert just the right amount of pressure to keep you on track.

the importance of the other twin’s presence be e immediately apparent as matthew and michael delegated responsibilities for rooms to decorate with sticky notes. this simple task was augmented by continuous little tests that they would spring on one another, and the fact that they split up their day slightly differently and studied different topics meant that each twin be e a source of knowledge for the other; the question how do you say that again? was met surprisingly often with an answer. the most extraordinary moment e towards the end of the week when the twins simply switched their everyday conver ions to turkish, asking one another if they wanted tea or coffee, were ready to cook dinner or when they were going to leave the house the next day.

4. prepare mini-motivations

lesson learned: you need landmarks on your route towards your goal. these landmarks can consist of small challenges - real life interactions in the language, for example - which force you to prepare areas of vocabulary to overcome them. the gratification that will come with their completion will serve to spur you on to ever greater heights.

matthew and michael had numerous micro-challenges throughout the week. on the first day they were visited by a turkish friend who greeted them in turkish and complimented them on how quickly they’d picked up their first words and phrases. they then learned the names of fruits and the numbers from one to a billion so that they could visit the turkish market in kreuzberg (although they refrained from purchasing nine hundred thousand kumquats). displaying their haul after their first functional exchange in turkish, they beamed with pride and a palpable sense of accomplishment before marching back home to study further.

5. eat the language

lesson learned: find a way to tie everything you do to learning. surround yourself with the food, the and the films, so that even in your downtime you can prime your mind towards the language and perhaps trigger further areas of interest and motivation.

on our second visit to the brothers’ apartment 24 hours into the week, we found them sampling dozens of different kinds of turkish snacks. like kids staring at the backs of cereal packs before heading to school, the nutritional information and various special offers and competitions on the packaging were analysed during snack breaks. there was no moment of complete removal from the language learning process during the eight hours that the twins had allotted to it. the intensity ebbed and flowed, but it never dissipated entirely.

6. use what you already know

lesson learned: the greater the depth of processing, the more likely the information will be remembered. find pleasure in drawing parallels and making comparisons between the language(s) you already know and your new language.

one of the twins’ most common phrases was, “ah, that’s a bit like in … ?” they were constantly using their existing knowledge to support the ever-growing knowledge of turkish. not only did this spark some energetic exchanges regarding the etymology of various words, but it also ensured new words would never be forgotten once woven into their web of ociations. even if you are learning your second language, you will likely come across words that share common origins with words in your native tongue.

7. variation is the spice of life

lesson learned: so you have your route plotted and an idea of your favored methods, but do remember to try new things; your new language has just as many sources as your native language.

the twins spent a lot of time engrossed in books or on their computers and apps, flicking and swiping their way through exercises eagerly, but at other times they were to be found searching busily for turkish radio stations and write-ups of turkish football games on the web. there is no definitive method to learn a language, nor any tool or teacher that will single-handedly deliver you to the holy grail of fluency. language is written, spoken, read and heard. each of these areas is considered a core skill within which there are myriad potential inputs; would you restrict yourself to one in your native language? all too often, people enter their weekly language cl to converse with their teacher, but then barely have any contact with other native speakers or the media being broadcast in their target language. try something new every day. listen to a cheesy song, read a newspaper article from a newspaper whose politics differ from your own, write a story for kids, attempt some improvised theatre and talk to yourself while cooking. spice it up and add some flavour to your language learning!



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ب ام و با زره ضدگلوله در مسکو
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نمایشگاه خودروی مسکو می تواند بهتریم مکان برای معرفی خودروهای امنیتی و ضدگلوله باشد. بسیاری از مشتریان چنین خودروهایی از روسیه می باشند. به همین دلیل ب ام و هم مدلهای ویژه ای را در این نمایشگاه رونمایی کرده است.

bmw x5 security plus

bmw x5 security plus


خودروی شاسی بلند x5 f15 محبوب بسیاری از یداران متشخص و خاص است که برای حفاظت از جان خود، به یک خودروی نفوذناپذیر احتیاج دارند. این مدل بر اساس ب ام و xdrive50i ساخته شده و با وجود شباهت های ظاهری کامل به مدل استاندارد، از سطح حفاظتی vr6 برخوردار است. بدین ترتیب زره و سطوح افزوده شده به این خودرو در برابر گلوله های سلاح های نظامی متداولی چون ak-47 یا کلاشینکف به راحتی مقاومت می کنند. برای جلوگیری از نفوذ گلوله و یا ترکش، حتی لولاها و مفاصل هم به خوبی تقویت و حفاظت شده اند. پوششی از پلی کربنات هم از داخل، شیشه ها را در بر گرفته است.


تایرهای run-flat نیز این امکان را می دهند که حتی در صورت برخورد گلوله، با سرعتی مناسب و در مسافتی طولانی بتوان از محل حادثه دور شد. بعلاوه سیستم ارتباطی داخلی نیز حتی در زمانی که درها و پنجره ها بسته اند، ارتباط با خارج خودرو را برقرار می کنند.


ب ام و همچنین مدلهای دیگری شامل x3 و موتورسیکلت های r 1200 و f 800 gt را برای نیروهای پلیس آماده کرده که در نمایشگاه مسکو به نمایش درآمدند.

bmw security police
bmw security police
bmw security police


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نرم افزار های ضروری
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ذخیره عالم بقا
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راوی :خانم معصومه علیزاده (خواهر زاده شهید)

شب دوشنبه چهارم فروردین 1393 در خواب دیدم همگی در منزل آقاجون جمع بودیم که خبر آوردند محمد(شهید) آمده و در مسجد قدس رضوی است. همه با هم برخاستیم و به مسجد رفتیم. آقایون همه داخل مسجد رفتند ولی خانمها بیرون مسجد تو حیاط بودند. سعی از بین جمعیت تا نزدیک در بروم و بتوانم محمد را ببینم. وقتی جلوی در رسیدم دیدم محمد روبروی محراب نشسته و عده ای از جوانها دورش نشسته اند و او به آنها قرآن درس می دهد. سرش را که بلند کرد دیدم خیلی جوان و حدود 16 تا 17 ساله است( زمانی که شهید شد من کودک بودم و خیلی به یاد نمی آورم اما سن و سال او همین مقدار بوده است) دور گردنش چفیه انداخته بود و لباس به تن داشت. از دور نگاهش به من افتاد و لبخند می زد و مرا نگاه می کرد و من هم با لبخند به او پاسخ می دادم و دستم را برایش تکان می دادم تا او مرا ببیند.

بعدا از ی که دستی در تعبیر خواب داشت معنی خواب را پرسیدم گفت زنده اند و همچنان معلمان ما و نسل جوان ما هستند و و قران در میان ما به برکت آنها روز به روز بیشتر رواج پیدا می کند پیروی ما از و ما به آنها، زندگی قرآنی و ایمانی ما را هر روز عمیقتر خواهد کرد.

english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian


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ذخیره عالم بقا
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راوی :خانم معصومه علیزاده (خواهر زاده شهید)

شب دوشنبه چهارم فروردین 1393 در خواب دیدم همگی در منزل آقاجون جمع بودیم که خبر آوردند محمد(شهید) آمده و در مسجد قدس رضوی است. همه با هم برخاستیم و به مسجد رفتیم. آقایون همه داخل مسجد رفتند ولی خانمها بیرون مسجد تو حیاط بودند. سعی از بین جمعیت تا نزدیک در بروم و بتوانم محمد را ببینم. وقتی جلوی در رسیدم دیدم محمد روبروی محراب نشسته و عده ای از جوانها دورش نشسته اند و او به آنها قرآن درس می دهد. سرش را که بلند کرد دیدم خیلی جوان و حدود 16 تا 17 ساله است( زمانی که شهید شد من کودک بودم و خیلی به یاد نمی آورم اما سن و سال او همین مقدار بوده است) دور گردنش چفیه انداخته بود و لباس به تن داشت. از دور نگاهش به من افتاد و لبخند می زد و مرا نگاه می کرد و من هم با لبخند به او پاسخ می دادم و دستم را برایش تکان می دادم تا او مرا ببیند.

بعدا از ی که دستی در تعبیر خواب داشت معنی خواب را پرسیدم گفت زنده اند و همچنان معلمان ما و نسل جوان ما هستند و و قران در میان ما به برکت آنها روز به روز بیشتر رواج پیدا می کند پیروی ما از و ما به آنها، زندگی قرآنی و ایمانی ما را هر روز عمیقتر خواهد کرد.

english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian


مشاهده متن کامل ...
ذخیره عالم بقا
درخواست حذف اطلاعات


راوی :خانم معصومه علیزاده (خواهر زاده شهید)

شب دوشنبه چهارم فروردین 1393 در خواب دیدم همگی در منزل آقاجون جمع بودیم که خبر آوردند محمد(شهید) آمده و در مسجد قدس رضوی است. همه با هم برخاستیم و به مسجد رفتیم. آقایون همه داخل مسجد رفتند ولی خانمها بیرون مسجد تو حیاط بودند. سعی از بین جمعیت تا نزدیک در بروم و بتوانم محمد را ببینم. وقتی جلوی در رسیدم دیدم محمد روبروی محراب نشسته و عده ای از جوانها دورش نشسته اند و او به آنها قرآن درس می دهد. سرش را که بلند کرد دیدم خیلی جوان و حدود 16 تا 17 ساله است( زمانی که شهید شد من کودک بودم و خیلی به یاد نمی آورم اما سن و سال او همین مقدار بوده است) دور گردنش چفیه انداخته بود و لباس به تن داشت. از دور نگاهش به من افتاد و لبخند می زد و مرا نگاه می کرد و من هم با لبخند به او پاسخ می دادم و دستم را برایش تکان می دادم تا او مرا ببیند.

بعدا از ی که دستی در تعبیر خواب داشت معنی خواب را پرسیدم گفت زنده اند و همچنان معلمان ما و نسل جوان ما هستند و و قران در میان ما به برکت آنها روز به روز بیشتر رواج پیدا می کند پیروی ما از و ما به آنها، زندگی قرآنی و ایمانی ما را هر روز عمیقتر خواهد کرد.

english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian
english (auto-detected) » persian


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literature review
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national security strategy (nss) of unites states of america and usa- iran relations: from antagonism to cooperation

literature review:

strategy gives a country the capacity to make a model and gives a way to concentrate sources and capabilities of a country to reach the general goals and causes to actualize the thoughts and ideas to physical power as well. so as robert osgood defines that “strategy must now be understood as nothing less than the overall plan for utilizing the capacity for armed coercion - in conjunction with economic, diplomatic, and psychological instruments of power - to support foreign policy most effectively by overt, covert and tacit means” (baylis, 2007) the strategy is an overall plan of a country. united states of america as a superpower which affects iran security and strategy should be studied by its grand strategies. in this regard essing the national security strategy of u.s as the most important and grand strategy of u.s can lead us to understand the foreign policy of this country. i believe that studying the nss should be one of the most important aspects of u.s relations with other regional powers such as iran.

iran as the country which challenges the he ony of usa has a key role in the region as well. so these two global and regional powers should have strategies and policies against each other, but this article tries just to study the correlation of american nss and iran- usa relation and wants to find out that the their relation under the umbrella of nss can be lead from antagonism to cooperation?

national security strategy of u.s.a (nss)

the national security strategy of u.s.a (nss) is a document prepared periodically by the executive branch of the government of the united states for congress which outlines the major national security concerns of the united states and how the administration plans to deal with them. the legal foundation for the document is spelled out in the goldwater-nichols act. the document is purposely general in content (contrast with the national military strategy, (nms) and its implementation relies on elaborating guidance provided in supporting documents.

regarding goldwater-nichols act as the founder of the nss a perception of this act and its context is necessary. the stated intent of the goldwater-nichols legislation is broadly accepted as valid for effective political discourse on issues affecting the nation's security--the congress and the executive need a common understanding of the strategic environment and the administration's intent as a starting point for future dialogue. that said, however, it is understood that in the adversarial environment that prevails, this report can only provide a beginning point for the dialogue necessary to reach such a "common" understanding(snider 1995). in the first page of this act it had been mentioned that the purpose of this act is: “to reorganize the department of defense and strengthen civilian authority in the department of defense, to improve the military advice provided to the president, the national security council, and the secretary of defense, to place clear responsibility on the commanders of the unified and specified combatant commands for the accomplishment of missions igned to those commands and ensure that the authority of those commanders is fully commensurate with that responsibility, to increase attention to the formulation of strategy and to contingency planning, to provide for more efficient use of defense resources, to improve joint officer mana ent policies, otherwise to enhance the effectiveness of military operations and improve the mana ent and administration of the department of defense, and for other purposes” (goldwater-nichols department of defense reorganization act of 1986).

according to the sec.104 of this act: (a)(1) the president shall transmit to congress each year a comprehensive report on the national security strategy of the united states . . .

(2) the national security strategy report for any year shall be transmitted on the date on which the president submits to congress the budget for the next fiscal year under section 1105 of title 31, united states code.

the duties of the government and all the parts who are responsible to ociate with the government to carry out the nss are mentioned in the act and in some of the statements like sec. 104:

(b) each national security strategy report shall set forth the national security strategy of the united states and shall include a comprehensive description and discussion of the following:

(1) the worldwide interests, goals, and objectives of the united states that are vital to the national security of the united states.

(2) the foreign policy, worldwide commitments, and national defense capabilities of the united states necessary to deter aggression and to implement the national security strategy of the united states.

(3) the proposed short-term and long-term uses of the political, economic, military, and other elements of national power of the united states to protect or promote the interests and achieve the goals and objectives referred to in parag h (1).

(4) the adequacy of the capabilities of the united states to carry out the national security strategy of the united states, including an evaluation of the balance among the capabilities of all elements of national power of the united states to support the implementation of the national security strategy.

(5) such other measures as may be helpful to inform congress on matters relating to the national security strategy of the united states.(",")

however the “nss is a document which offers the m ive strategy and general goals of us regarding national security” (dau, 2009) nss can be shown as the strategic thought o iven president and gives researchers and policy makers a reliable source and indicate. that is why we see new visions in presidency paigns.

the requirement of producing this report (nss) along with the budget request leads to an iterative, interagency process involving high level meetings that helps to resolve internal differences in foreign policy agendas. however, “this report was not to be a neutral planning document, as many academics and even some in uniform think it to be’’(snider 1995). rather it was … intended to serve five primary purposes.

1) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to congress, and thus legitimize its requests for resources. 2) communicate the executive’s strategic vision to foreign constituencies, especially governments not on the us’s summit agenda. 3) communicate with select domestic audiences, such as political supporters seeking presidential recognition of their issues, and those who hope to see a coherent and farsighted strategy they could support. 4) create internal consensus on foreign and defense policy within the executive branch. 5) contribute to the overall agenda of the president, both in terms of substance and messaging.

foreign policy of the united states:

the foreign policy of the united states is the way in which it interacts with foreign nations and sets standards of interaction for its organizations, corporations and individual citizens.

the officially stated goals of the foreign policy of the united states, as mentioned in the foreign policy agenda of the u.s. department of state, are "to build and sustain a more democratic, secure, and prosperous world for the benefit of the american people and the international community."(u.s. dept of state)

nearing end of cold war, a new strategic environment was appearing and the bipolar system was disappearing. in this regard persian gulf war is one of the first evolutions which by its end us by declaring the ‘’new world order” tried to dominate the world.

this article tries to study and ess the national security strategy (nss) and foreign policy of u.s.a by the announcing of the first nss in 1987 up to now (2010). there is plenty of studies about us strategies, but precisely our goal of this study is to clarify the items in the nss and its mandates about iran. i believe that the usa-iran relation is affected by the nss and us policy in this regard so i look forward to find the items in every published nss that refers to iran and the areas which is regarded to iran. also i would like to understand the effects of the strategies of usa on the relation between us-iran and the way they behaved in some cases as some examples. so this article should be of interest to specialist of foreign relation and strategy& policy makers of these two countries and also the readers who analyze the current and future condition of iran-usa relation.

introduction to iranian and us relations

the us and iran severed official diplomatic relations following the 1979 islamic revolution in iran and currently have no official relations. however, it was not always so. amb ador exchanges began in the mid 00s and during the second

world war ties were cemented as iran collaborated with the allies allowing the transportation of war material through iran to the beleaguered russians in the caucasus region.

as the cold war developed, us iranian ties depended; the us sought further iranian cooperation in containing communism in asia while on iran received military and economic support and enjoyed western technological istance in exploiting its oil wealth. at this time, cultural, military, economic and political relations ran deep. yet, it was precisely in this context that us-iranian relations grew then ultimately withered.

the iranian perspective

iran could be considered a fiercely anti-american nation. antagonism to the us occupies a central role in the daily political, and in many cases, the social fabric of iran. this animosity has its sources in previous decades and revolves around two main themes; opposition to us intrusion into domestic iranian affairs and what iran considers to be us aggression.

the cia/uk orchestrated coup that removed iranian prime minister mohammed

mossadeq in 1953 is one example of us interference in iranian affairs. additionally, iran accuses the u.s of fostering rebellion in iran through funding and support of antigovernment groups in iran. the free life party of kurdistan (kurdish) and the jundallah (balochi) are two militant nationalist movements that iran has long charged the united states with funding. in addition, iran charges that the us has played a role in the demonstrations against the 2009 presidential elections in iran. military aggression is another issue that lies at the top of iran’s list of grievances.

during the iran-iraq war (1980-1988) most of the world’s nations supported iraq against iran. yet iran resents the u.s support of iran’s enemy during this war in particular. specifically, iran continues to carry a grudge over the us supplying iraq with the chemical weapons it used during the war.

adding fuel to the fire, in july of 1988, us guided missile cruiser the uss vincennes on station in the persian gulf s down iranian airlines flight 655 killing 290. the u.s maintains the downing was a case of mistaken identity with the iranians considering it a deliberate act of war and another example of u.s aggression.

a final major sticking point is the economic sanctions that the us has placed on iran. starting under the carter administration, the us has steadily increased its sanctions regime in place. these sanctions prohibit the transfer of much-needed military and petroleum technology as well as prohibiting us companies and individuals from investing in or doing business with iranian nationals and companies.

in short, in iranian political thought, anti-american sentiments run deep. the list of

grievances is long; foreign intervention, coups, military aggression, support of iraq and not to mention a perceived political disrespect for the iran itself and accu ions of american attempts of global he ony.

these are the major issues that lie at the center of iranian and us relations.

the american perspective

despite the cooperation of the 40s, 50s and 60s, it was the overthrow of the us emb y in tehran in 1979 and the subsequent 444-day hostage crisis which severed american and iranian relations. however, according to the united states, tensions with iran are perpetuated by iran’s current conduct rather than events that occurred 36 years ago. today it’s iran’s nuclear program and allegedly support for international terrorism, which the us considers to be one of the major the obstacles to the resumption of us-iran relations.

currently, iran’s nuclear program might be the single greatest impediment to the resumption of us-iranian relations. according to the us, iran has been developing clandestine nuclear weapons program under the guise of an effort to acquire atomic energy. iran contends that their program is peaceful. nevertheless, the us sites a series of inconsistencies and failure to meet aeia requirements. this case is currently being played out.

iran’s alleged support for some military groups such as hezbollah is another major point of contention. according to the us department of state, the government of iran is a designated state sponsor of terrorism. this means that iran provides support for groups who target civilians for political goals. the united states alleges that iran supports terrorism primarily through its proxies, two well-known ones being hezbollah and hamas. inside iran there is the iranian revolutionary guards corp (irgc) which the us also is considering labeling a terrorist organization do to its provision of terrorist training and support to groups active in areas such as georgia, chechnya, the balkans and the wider middle east.

furthermore, the united states charges iran with supporting groups that have committed terrorist attacks upon the us specifically. two such cases are; the april

1983, bombing of a us emb y in beirut with a loss of over 60 lives and the october 1983, suicide bombing of a us marine barracks in beirut with a loss of 299 lives. the us believes iran to be responsible for planning and coordination these attacks and civil cases have been brought against iran. in american eyes, iran’s support for international terrorism, its nuclear weapons program and its vitriolic anti-western policy creates a ‘perfect storm’ which the us simply cannot ignore.

why essing the national security strategy (nss) of u.s?

usa is a powerful country which is trying to keep its position in superiority and sovereignty over the regions and over the world.

with the election of obama as the new president of usa and declaring the nss 2010 we can see some different views toward middle east and iran in contrast to bush’s strategies. cautioning to face a war with usa in bush period, iranian authorities dared to follow their rights in nuclear deal with 5+1 after obama election and the strategies of its government. the recent election of presidency in iran, is another opportunity for policymakers to look more deeply to the strategies of u.s.

by analyzing of the content of the nss and analyzing of the historical events, this article at the end can judge that these two antagonist countries can seat and have talk and cooperation in some cases.



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کنترل اتصال برنامه ها به اینترنت با فایروال kaspersky internet security
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)این مطلب برای انی مفید است که به هر دلیلی نمی‌خواهند نرم‌افزارهایی که بر روی سیستم آن‌ها نصب می‌شود به اینترنت متصل شوند. دلایل مختلفی مانند از کار افتادن برخی نرم‌افزارها پس از اتصال به اینترنت، آپدیت شدن و مصرف ترافیک اینترنت و ... می‌تواند از جمله‌ی این موارد باشد.

اگر در سیستم شما تعداد برنامه‌هایی که با اینترنت کار می‌کنند مانند فایرفا ، کروم، منیجر و ... محدود است، با استفاده از فایروال پرسکی می‌توایند کنترل اتصال این برنامه‌ها را به راحتی انجام دهید.

نحوه‌ی تنظیمات را می‌توانید در ادامه‌ی مطلب مشاهده کنید.

بر روی آی پرسکی در قسمت taskbar کلیک کنید.

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

بعد از باز شدن پنجره‌ی پرسکی بر روی آی در گوشه‌ی صفحه کلیک کنید تا وارد قسمت تنظیمات نرم‌افزار شوید. حالا به protection -> firewall بروید.

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

در بخش فایروال دو قسمت networks و configure application rules را می‌توانید مشاهده کنید. ابتدا وارد قسمت networks شوید تا تنظیمات شبکه را انجام دهید. در تصویر زیر internet و کارت شبکه به صورت خ ر شناسایی شده است. ممکن است موارد دیگری هم مثل شبکه بلوتوث و wifi وجود داشته باشد.

 

 تنظیمات فایروال پرسکی kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

به نوع (type) هر شبکه توجه کنید. قاعدتا internet یک شبکه از نوع public بوده که قابل تغییر نیست. شما می‌توانید تایپ کارت شبکه‌‌ی خود را تغییر دهید. بهتر است کارت شبکه را از نوع trusted انتخاب کنید. برای این کار گزینه‌ی مورد نظر را انتخاب کنید و روی دکمه‌ی edit کلیک نمایید.

تنظیمات فایروال پرسکی kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

بعد از تنظیم تایپ هر یک از شبکه‌ها وارد بخش configure application rules شوید (که با شماره 2 مشخص شده است). در این بخش تنها برنامه‌هایی نمایش داده می‌شوند که توسط فایروال به عنوان برنامه‌های تحت شبکه شناخته شده‌اند. برای مشاهده لیست کامل برنامه‌ها از قسمت view در همین پنجره تیک show network applications only را حذف کنید.

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

همان طور که مشاهده می‌کنید یکی از ویژگی‌های خوب پرسکی دسته‌بندی دقیق و مرتب نرم‌افزارها است. در اینجا هر برنامه‌ای را می‌توانید به راحتی پیدا کنید. در گروه‌های اصلی برنامه‌ها به چهار دسته‌ بر اساس میزان اعتبار و در زیرگروه‌ها بر اساس publisher یا سازنده‌ی  برنامه‌ها تقسیم‌بندی می‌شوند. ابتدا بر روی گروه trusted راست کلیک نمایید و details and rules را انتخاب کنید و در پنجره‌ی جدید به سربرگ network rules بروید.

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

دسترسی برنامه‌ها به سه سطح local، public و trusted تقسیم می‌شود. می‌توانید در ستون action وضعیت public network را از allow به deny تغییر دهید. چون شبکه‌ی public همان اینترنت است بنابراین دسترسی به اینترنت به صورت پیش‌فرض برای گروه trusted قطع می‌شود اما تمام فعالیت‌هایی که تحت شبکه‌ی local و trusted صورت می‌گیرد همچنان ادامه دارد. برنامه‌هایی مثل پرینترهای مجازی از شبکه‌ی local استفاده می‌کنند.

این تنظیمات را برای دسته‌ی دیگر یعنی low restricted نیز انجام دهید اما دو گروه دیگر یعنی high restricted و untrusted را به دلیل ریسک امنیتی بالا به صورت پیش فرض رها کنید.

با این تنظیمات دسترسی سرویس‌های سیستم عامل ویندوز و پرسکی و ... به اینترنت قطع می‌گردد. بنابراین موارد مهمی مثل microsoft و kaspersky که اتصال به اینترنت برای آن‌ها ضروری است را مشابه تصویر زیر با کلیک بر روی آی مقابل نام آن‌ها به صورت دستی allow کنید.

kaspersky internet security (firewall settings)

در مجموع تعداد برنامه‌هایی که با اینترنت سر و کار دارند محدود است و تنظیم دستی آن‌ها با استفاده از فایروال پرسکی به سادگی انجام می‌شود. در عوض خی ان از عدم اتصال سایر نرم‌افزارها به اینترنت راحت است.

 

تذکر: در پایان لازم می‌دانم به این نکته اشاره کنم که خارج آنتی ویروس و فایروال از تنظیمات پیش فرض که توسط سازنده انتخاب شده است ممکن است نتایج نامطلوبی به دنبال داشته باشد. روش توضیح داده شده در بالا صرفا یک روش پیشنهادی می‌باشد و مسئولیت استفاده و مشکلات احتمالی ناشی از آن بر عهده‌ی این وبلاگ نمی‌باشد.

 

موفق باشید.



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دلیل استفاده از برچسب هولوگرامی
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

دلیل انتخاب برچسب هولوگرامی

تکنولوژی برچسب های هولوگرامی بسیار پیچیده است. این مساله تقلب و کپی برداری از محصول را دشوار می کند. به محصول امنیت بیشتر می دهد. از آنجاییکه بسیار مقرون به صرفه است می توان در تولید کنندگان کوچک و بزرگ مورد استفادهه قرار گیرد.

فواید برچسب هولوگرامی

برچسب هولوگرامی فواید بسیاری دارند. به شما کمک می کنند تا در زمان, پول و دستمزد کارگران صرفه جویی کنید. این نوع برچسب های امنیتی در صنایع مختلفی استفاده می شوند. از انجاییکه طراحی آن ها بر اساس تکنولوژی های مدرن است, دارای کیفیت بالایی هستند.

برچسب های هولوگرافیک سنتی در یک طرف هولوگرام خطوط راه راه داشتند.هولوگرام ها به برندسازی شما کمک می کند.

انواع برچسب های هولوگرافیک

. برچسب های هولوگرافیک با راه های عمودی

. برچسب هولوگرافیک با تصاویر ثبت شده

برچسب های کاغذی هولوگرافیک

برچسب های هولوگرافیک طرحی پیچیده ای دارند و افکت خاص تصویری دارند که هرگونه دستکاری در آن را نشان می دهند. این برچسب ها از نظر قیمت مقرون به صرفه هستند و به محصول اص می بخشند.

ویژگی های برچسب های کاغذی هولوگرامی

انواع مختلفی برچسب امنیتی توسط شرکت برای محصولات تولیدی ساخته می شود. برچسب های کاغذی هولوگرام برای ایجاد آگاهی درباره ی محصولات شرکت ها استفاده می شود. براساس نیازهای شرکت مانند اندازه, رنگ و شکل و مواد مصرفی می توانیمم آن ها را شخصی سازی کنیم.

تکنولوژی لیزرسک با برچسب های هولوگرامی کاغذی باکیفیت بالا سر و کاردارد. ما برچسب هایی ماندگار, مقوام در برابر آب, جذاب و لطیف تولید می کنیم.

holog hic-paper-labels


فواید برچسب های امنیتی هولوگرافیک

محافظت از برند

کاهش نیروی کارگری

بسته بندی اتوماتیکی

دوام و ثبات

برچسب های هولوگرافیک ساخته شده در ابعاد, اندازه ها, و اشکال مختلف هستند تا نیازهای سازنده ی کالا را برطرف کنند.

دلیل انتخاب برچسب هولوگرامی

تکنولوژی برچسب های هولوگرامی بسیار پیچیده است. این مساله تقلب و کپی برداری از محصول را دشوار می کند. به محصول امنیت بیشتر می دهد. از آنجاییکه بسیار مقرون به صرفه است می توان در تولید کنندگان کوچک و بزرگ مورد استفاده قرار گیرد.





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ترجمه مقاله ایجاد امنیت موبایل (تلفن های همراه)
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

ترجمه مقاله ایجاد امنیت موبایل (تلفن های همراه)

عنوان ترجمه فایل فارسی: تامین امنیت تلفن همراه (مشخص بخش های اصلی امنیت تلفن های همراه)
عنوان نسخه انگلیسی: mobile security catching up revealing the nuts and bolts of the security of mobile devices
مرتبط با رشته های : کامپیوتر و فناوری اطلاعات
تعداد صفحات مقاله فارسی: ۱۲ صفحه
این فایل ترجمه شده به صورت ورد word می باشد و دارای امکان ویرایش هست.
و دریافت رایگان متون لاتین در قسمت پایین با فرمت pdf آمده است.

قسمتی از متن انگلیسی:
introduction
next to the aforementioned stealing of private data, malware could also contain routines to capture voice calls and to silently record any conver ions which are in range of the built-in microphone [53]. depending on the privileges the malware has, this might happen completely in the background and will only be detectable by sophisticated monitoring of the whole operating system or the generated communication data
قسمتی از ترجمه مقاله
در حال حاضر در حال تغییر از امنیت اینترنتی به امنیت تجهیزات سیار می باشیم که هر چه بیشنر و بیشتر دسترسی به اطلاعات از طریق تلفن های همراه می باشد. برای نمونه تعداد تلفن های همراهی که از سیستم تمام عامل استفاده می کنند تقریبا به ۲۰۰% سال ۲۰۰۹ تا ۲۰۱۰ رسیده است. در نتیجه امینت موبایل دیگر فقط ا امی نبوده وامری ضروری است. این مقاله پژوهشی، نه تنها بررسی مختصری را در ارتباط با امنیت شبکه موبایل، حملات شعاعی با استفاده از سیستم برنامه کامپیوتری و جستجوگر وب، بلکه پوشش سخت افزاری و کاربر به عنوان عامل بلقوه حمله، را مد نظر قرار می دهد. ما تفاوت ها و شباهت های بین امنیت استاندارد و امنیت موبایل را نشان داده ، و نتیجه گیری را در ارتباط با فرصت های پژوهشی آینده در این حوزه انجام می دهیم.
کلیدواژه: امنیت موبایل، تلفن های هوشمند، بررسی مقدمه در ارتباط با روش ها ذکر شده در مورد سرقت اطلاعات خصوصی، بد افزارها می توانند شامل مسیرهایی باشند که تماس های صوتی را بدست گرفته و به آرامی تمام گفتگوهایی را که توسط میکروفون انجام می گیرد، ضبط کنند. بسته به معایبی که ب زارها دارند، رسقت ها احتمالا به طور کامل در پس زمینه روی داده و تنها از طریق نظارت کامل بر تمام سیستم عامل یا داده های ارتباطی مولد، قابل ردی می باشد. این نوع استراق سمع در لایه های متفاوتی نسبت به موارد ذکر شده قرار دارند.
جهت مشاهده ادامه بر روی متن زیر کلیک نمایید.

ترجمه مقاله ایجاد امنیت موبایل (تلفن های همراه)



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اخبار امنیت شبکه
درخواست حذف اطلاعات


مشاهده متن کامل ...
دستور طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای یالانجی ما خوشمزه و مجلسی
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

دستور طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای یالانجی ما خوشمزه و مجلسی

دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,دستور پخت دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

سایت تفریحی » برای این مطلب آموزش آشپزی و طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای را تهیه کرده ایم ، در ادامه با ما همراه باشید.

مواد لازم دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

گردوی د شده :♦: 400 گرم

سبزی دلمه :♦: 500 گرم

برگ مو :♦: 500 گرم

رب گوجه فرنگی :♦: 2 قاشق سوپ خوری

ماست :♦: 2 قاشق سوپ خوری

زرشک :♦: 50 گرم

پیاز داغ :♦: به میزان لازم ( بسته به ذائقه )

برنج پخته شده :♦: یک پیمانه

نمک و فلفل :♦: به اندازه کافی

گل‌سرخ و زعفران آب کرده :♦: به اندازه کافی

آب مرغ :♦: در صورت موجود بودن

پیتزا بادمجان , طرز تهیه پیتزا بادمجان , پخت غذای پیتزا بادمجان

دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,دستور پخت دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

با ذکر بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم آشپزی رو آغاز می کنیم. برای تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای ابتدا برگ‌ موها را با دقت می شویم سپس به مدت 3 دقیقه در قابلمه آب جوش قرار می دهیم

بعد از اتمام سه دقیقه برگ ها را آبکشی می کنیم و داخل آب سرد می ریزیم برای درست مایه ی دلمه کافیست تمام مواد را بجز آب مرغ با هم خوب مخلوط کنیم برگ ها را باز می کنیم و وسط آن را مواد می ریزیم

و بصورت لوله ای می پیچیم و درون قابلمه ای متناسب با تعداد دلمه ها قرار می دهیم در پایان آب مرغ را روی دلمه می ریزیم و زیر شعله را کم می کنیم تا خوب بپزند

پیتزا بادمجان , طرز تهیه پیتزا بادمجان , پخت غذای پیتزا بادمجان

دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای,دستور پخت دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

نکاتی در مورد دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای

نکته 1 : سبزی دلمه متشکل از تره ، شوید و مرزه می باشد

نکته 2 : بر روی قابلمه ی دلمه ها درب کوچکتری از قابلمه قرار می دهیم تا بخار خارج شود

نکته 3 : معمولا برای تزئین این نوع دلمه از گوجه سبز و پیاز داغ استفاده می شود

پیتزا بادمجان , طرز تهیه پیتزا بادمجان , پخت غذای پیتزا بادمجان

دستور طرز تهیه دلمه برگ مو ترکیه ای یالانجی ما خوشمزه و مجلسی



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آموزش تامین امنیت خودتان در فضای سایبر - تشریح و مقابله با آن
درخواست حذف اطلاعات

در این مجموعه آموزش بسیار ارزشمند از udemy با مفهوم آشنا شده و را ارهای سطح بالای پیشگیری از ، متوقف رها ، جلوگیری از ترک شدن کارهایتان در فضای سایبر و نحوه حضور در وب به صورت ناشناس را یاد می گیرید.



لینک کامل (حجم تقریبا 9گیگ)



مشاهده و به صورت فایل های جداگانه


در ادامه با برخی از سرفصل های درسی این مجموعه آموزش آشنا می شویم :

section 1: introduction
welcome and introduction to the instructor!
goals and learning objectives - volume 1
target audience
study recommendations
course updates

section 2: know yourself - the threat and vulnerability landscape
goals and learning objectives
protect what you value
what is privacy, anonymity and pseudonymity
security, vulnerabilities, threats and adversaries
threat modeling and risk essments
security vs privacy vs anonymity - can we have it all?
defense in depth
the zero trust model

section 3: know your enemy - the current threat and vulnerability landscape
goals and learning objectives
why you need security the value of a
the top 3 things you need to stay safe online
security bugs and vulnerabilities - the vulnerability landscape
ers, crackers and cyber criminals
malware, viruses, rootkits and rats
spyware, adware, scareware, pups & browser hijacking
what is phishing, vishing and smshing
spamming & doxing
social engineering - s s, cons, tricks and fraud
darknets, dark markets and exploit kits
governments, spies and secret stuff part i
governments, spies and secret stuff part ii
regulating encryption, mandating insecurity & legalizing spying
trust & backdoors
censorship
security news and alerts stay informed

section 4: encryption crash course
goals and learning objectives
symmetric encryption
asymmetric encryption
hash functions
digital signatures
secure sockets layer (ssl) and transport layer security (tls)
ssl stripping
https (http secure)
digital certificates
certificate authorities and https
end-to-end encryption (e2ee)
steganog hy
how security and encryption is really attacked

section 5: setting up a testing environment using virtual machines
goals and learning objectives
introduction to setting up a testing environment using virtual machines
vmware
virtual box
kali linux 2016

section 6: operating system security & privacy (windows vs mac os x vs linux)
goals and learning objectives
security features and functionality
security bugs and vulnerabilities
usage share
windows 10 - privacy & tracking
windows 10 - disable tracking automatically
windows 10 - tool : disable windows 10 tracking
windows 10 cortana
windows 10 privacy settings
windows 10 - wifi sense
windows 7, 8 and 8.1 - privacy & tracking
mac - privacy & tracking
linux and unix like operating systems
linux - debian
linux - debian 8 jessie - virtual box guest additions issue
linux - openbsd and archlinux
linux - ubuntu

section 7: security bugs and vulnerabilities
goals and learning objectives
the importance of patching
windows 7 - auto update
windows 8 & 8.1 - auto update
windows 10 - auto update
windows - criticality and patch tuesday
windows 7, 8, 8.1 & 10 - automate the pain away from patching
linux - debian - patching
mac - patching
firefox - browser and extension updates
chrome - browser and extension updates
ie and edge - browser and extention updates
auto updates - the impact to privacy and anonymity

section 8: reducing threat privilege
goals and learning objectives + removing privilege
windows 7 - not using admin
windows 8 and 8.1 - not using admin
windows 10 - not using admin

section 9: social engineering and social media offence and defence
goals and learning objectives
information disclosure and identity strategies for social media
identify verification and registration
behavioural security controls against social threats (phishing, spam) part 1
behavioural security controls against social threats (phishing, spam) part 2
technical security controls against social threats (phishing, spam, s & cons)

section 10: security domains
goals and learning objectives
security domains


مشاهده متن کامل ...
trump team building a wall inside national security council
درخواست حذف اطلاعات
president donald trump's national security adviser is planning to rely on a new layer of hand-picked aides to serve as a "barrier" between the professional staff of the national security council and top white house officials, according to two sources with direct knowledge. such a move by retired lt. gen. mike flynn is stoking fears of an even more insular decision-making process than reigned during the obama administration, which was roundly criticized for micro-managing national security and eroding the influence of the pentagon, state department and other agencies. and it is prompting some frustrated career staffers in the primary policymaking body inside the white house, who had been asked to stay on under trump, to consider departing instead, say the sources. "you will not have the experts in the room when the principals are having these discussions," worries one nsc veteran who has heard complaints from white house officials this week. the person, like others, agreed to speak on condition of anonymity. "they are not being used," added another source with direct knowledge of the developments, who similarly expressed concern that the trump team is "doubling down on cutting out the professional experts." "they have been emasculated and have no authority," the source added. "but they are still getting hammered by agencies and allies and don't know what to tell them. … many are heading for the exits." the concerns come after trump granted his political strategist steve bannon, who is separately constructing his own power center inside the west wing, membership of the highest rung of the national security council, traditionally reserved for cabinet chiefs. permitting a political operative to participate in the high level meetings was seen by many as a dangerous break with tradition and prompted at least one member of congress to recommend the 1947 law that created the body be changed. the staffing deliberations also come after reports that the president and his senior aides did not fully consult with his secretaries of homeland security and defense before issuing a controversial executive order temporarily banning travel to the united states from seven majority-muslim countries. the small coterie of advisers would be under flynn — and above the senior directors of the nsc staff who are organized around regions of the worlds and security threats such as terrorism or weapons of m destruction. one of them, according to two sources, is david catler, who like flynn worked at the defense intelligence agency and was the national intelligence manager for the middle east at the office of the director of national intelligence. he now holds the broad title of deputy istant to the president for regional affairs. the white house declined to address questions about a new layer of personnel at the top rungs of the nsc structure — and none was identified in an executive order that trump signed on urday laying out its overall makeup and membership. nor did it address specific questions about catler's role and authority. but a spokesman told politico that flynn intends to rely on a smaller staff and "run a very precise and orderly and quick process." the spokesman cited the fact that there is now one executive secretary for both the nsc and the companion homeland security council, which includes many of the same members and relies on much of the same staff. officials regularly criticized the obama administration for ballooning the size of the nsc and shutting out cabinet level departments. in last year’s defense bill, congress p ed a provision limiting future nsc staffs to 200 people to prevent overreach — although scholars have questioned whether such a limit is constitutional. there is wide bipartisan support for shrinking the nsc. "everybody has been saying for years that the nsc was too big and too micro-managerial," said steve sestanovich, a top state department official in the 1990s who served on the nsc in the administration of president ronald reagan. "if the new administration is willing to take that problem on, more power to them." flynn said at a think tank discussion last month that “our mission is to ensure the president and the national security community is committed to carrying out necessary reforms." and in a brief memo to cabinet departments this week he pledged that he and his team "will be working closely with you and your teams." but longtime participants on the national security council deliberations from both parties expressed concern that the early signs portend the same type of micro-mana ent under trump as during obama — or worse. “what you’re seeing here is two things: one, a total politicizing of the national security apparatus, and two, a second power center being created," said another obama nsc veteran. “it’s the place policy will get made and it will push aside career nsc staffers.” indeed, in terms of the day to day operations, the trump order issued on urday outlining the basic structure of the national security council is viewed by many as failing to address the obama white house's mana ent problems. for example, it similarly mandates that members of the nsc staff chair regional and issue-related policy coordination committees, sometimes known as interagency working groups, and can invite representatives from executive departments where they deem appropriate. “it means you’ve got the white house in the room the whole time,” said vikram singh, who previously served as deputy istant secretary of defense for south and southeast asia during the obama administration. “this sounds like a continuation, ironically.” coupled with the rise of political influence in the body, the continuation of nsc control of policy coordination committees demonstrates that republicans are casting aside previous criticisms now that they are in the white house, said loren schulman, who served as senior adviser to obama's last national security adviser, susan rice. "it tells me they want to increase the amount of coordination through the white house,” she said. "they haven’t put their money where their mouth is." stephen hadley, who served as national security adviser for president george w. bush, said in the overall structure as laid out in the executive order "won't fix that problem" of micromana ent. "it depends on how it is used. but i know flynn and company want to bring things back to the more strategic level and get out of the micro-managing detail." sestanovich, however, warned that a smaller organization could create its own problems. "if the nsc staff is smaller, does that mean other bureaucracies do what they want with less oversight, or that the white house calls the s s from a smaller knowledge base and with less consultation?" for others the unfolding set-up is even more concerning given the slow pace at which the trump administration has staffed top security and intelligence posts in the pentagon, state department and other key agencies. "what do you have to coordinate if you’re having trouble staffing?” asked heather hurlburt, who previously served on president bill clinton’s nsc. “it kind of gives another meaning to micromanage.” coordinating more with cabinet departments than was the case with the immigration ban will also make for better decisions, advises nicholas burns, who served on the nsc under presidents george h.w. bush and clinton. "i would like to believe these are just the operational mistakes of the first ten days in office and they will do better,” burns said. "the system works best when the president trusts its leading secretaries and delegates to them.”

مشاهده متن کامل ...
آ ین دیپلماسی لبخند؛ تک خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران هراسی مونیخ
درخواست حذف اطلاعات
آ ین دیپلماسی لبخند؛
سخنرانی محمدجواد ظریف با لبخند و شوخی بدون محکوم کشورها، یا اتهامات هماهنگ محور غربی-عربی-عبری با جدیت علیه «ایران»؛ ناظران بین‌المللی کدام‌یک را باور خواهند کرد؟
سرویس جهان مشرق - پنجاه و سومین کنفرانس سالانه امنیتی مونیخ[1] از 17 تا 19 فوریه 2017 طبق روال هر سال در هتل «بایریشرهوف» در شهر مونیخ آلمان برگزار شد. این کنفرانس با شعار «صلح از طریق گفت‌وگو» و به عنوان بزرگ‌ترین کنفرانس امنیت بین‌المللی در جهان، هر سال حدود 350 مقام ارشد را از بیش از 70 کشور جهان گردهم می‌آورد.
تک‌خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ
کنفرانس امنیتی مونیخ هر سال مقامات ارشد ده‌ها کشور جهان را گردهم جمع می‌کند
 
 

رؤسای‌جمهور، وزرا و اعضای پارلمان کشورها، دیپلمات‌ها، نمایندگان سازمان‌های بین‌المللی، و نمایندگان ارشد نیروهای مسلح، نهادهای علمی، جامعه مدنی، سازمان‌های تجاری و رسانه‌ها در کنفرانس امنیتی مونیخ دور هم جمع می‌شوند تا بنا به سنت این همایش، درباره موضوعات امنیتی و نظامی روز به گفت‌وگو و تبادل نظر بپردازند. گزارش حاضر، پس از معرفی مختصر و مقدماتی کنفرانس امنیتی مونیخ، به سخنرانی‌های کشورهای متخاصم با ایران می‌پردازد و آن‌ها را با سخنرانی محمدجواد ظریف خارجه کشورمان مقایسه می‌کند.

 

کنفرانس صلح‌طلبی که به جنگ‌طلب‌ها جایزه می‌دهد

جهت‌گیری کنفرانس مونیخ نیز مانند بسیاری از مجامع بین‌المللی دیگر، هم‌راستا با منافع کشورهای غربی است؛ نشان به این نشان که این کنفرانس سال 2009 به منظور بزرگ‌داشت «ایوالد هاینریش فون کلایست اشمنسن» مؤسس کنفرانس امنیتی مونیخ (که سال 2013 فوت کرد) اعطای جایزه‌ای موسوم به «ایوالد فون کلایست[2]» را به افرادی آغاز کرد که به زعم اعطاکنندگان جایزه، کمک چشم‌گیری به صلح و حل و فصل درگیری‌های بین‌المللی کرده‌اند.

 

 

 
00:0020:12
 
سخنرانی «مایکل پنس» معاون اول ترامپ در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017
 
 

نکته تأمل‌برانگیز، این‌که جایزه مذکور سال 2009 به هنری کیسینجر و سال 2012 به جوزف لیبرمن داده شد. این در حالی است که کیسینجر خارجه سابق مشهور به «بمب‌افکن اول» و عامل بمباران‌های در کامبوج، لائوس، و ویتنام‌های شمالی و جنوبی، و قاتل صدها هزار نفر در این کشورها و کشورهای دیگر بوده است[3]؛ تا جایی که در مرحله درون‌حزبی رقابت‌های انتخاباتی اخیر در ، برنی سندرز از دوستی و الگو گرفتن هیلاری کلینتون از کیسینجر انتقاد کرد و گفت که این مسئله «برای من بسیار تعجب‌آور است، چون من معتقدم کیسینجر یکی از ویرانگرترین وزرای خارجه در تاریخ مدرن این کشور بود. من مفت م که بگویم هنری کیسینجر دوست من نیست[4]

تک‌خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ
«هنری کیسینجر» (چپ) که به خاطر بمباران کشورهای مختلف و کشتار مردم آن‌ها شهرت دارد، جایزه ویژه کنفرانس مونیخ را در اولین دوره اعطای آن در سال 2009 از آن خود کرد
 
 

هم‌چنین لیبرمن سیاستمدار جنگ‌طلب یی، و عضو و رئیس سابق کمیته امنیت داخلی مجلس سنا، حامی جنگ عراق و از افراد مُصر بر اقدام نظامی علیه ایران است. وی از سال 2015 تا کنون ریاست سازمان ل گر «متحد علیه ایران هسته‌ای[5]» را به عهده داشته است[6]. این سازمان از جمله شناخته‌شده‌ترین سازمان‌های جنگ‌طلب و مخالف با توافق هسته‌ای با ایران است؛ سازمانی به ظاهر غیر تی که وزارت دادگستری سال 2014 در اقدامی نادر از پی‌گیری یک شکایت خصوصی علیه آن جلوگیری و استدلال کرد که پی‌گیری این پرونده امنیت ملی را به خطر می‌اندازد.

تک‌خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ
«آویگدور لیبرمن»: «برای اولین بار از سال 1948، دنیای میانه‌روی عرب، دنیای سنی، درک می‌کند که بزرگ‌ترین تهدید برای آن‌ها نیست، بلکه ایران و نیروهای نیابتی ایران هستند»
 
 

 

«کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ» 2017

اگرچه ایران و اقدامات منطقه‌ای آن تقریباً هر سال یکی از بحث‌های داغ در کنفرانس امنیتی مونیخ است، اما کنفرانس مونیخ امسال به نوعی نقطه عطفی در این‌باره محسوب می‌شد. ابتدائاً باید توضیح داد که برای ایران، سخنرانی‌های مهم‌تر نسبت به بقیه در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017 (به ترتیب زمانی[7]) عبارت بودند از سخنرانی «جیمز متیس[8]» دفاع و اظهارات «جان مک‌کین[9]» رئیس کمیته خدمات مسلح مجلس سنای این کشور در روز اول، سخنرانی‌های «مایکل پنس[10]» معاون اول ترامپ، «آنتونیو گوترش[11]» دبیرکل سازمان ملل، «فدریکا موگرینی[12]» عالی اتحادیه اروپا در امور خارجی و سیاست امنیتی، و «سرگئی لاوروف[13]» خارجه روسیه در روز دوم، و (پس از سخنرانی ظریف) سخنرانی‌های «آویگدور لیبرمن[14]» جنگ رژیم صهیونیستی، «مولود چاووش‌اوغلو» خارجه ترکیه، و «عادل الجبیر[15]» خارجه سعودی در روز سوم.

 

 

 
00:0017:27
 
سخنرانی «آویگدور لیبرمن» جنگ رژیم صهیونیستی در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017
 
 

ارائه برخی آمارها در این‌جا به درک آن‌چه در کنفرانس مونیخ رخ داد کمک و اثبات می‌کند که این کنفرانس دست‌کم امسال عملاً یک کنسرت ایران‌هراسی بود و نه یک گردهمایی برای گفت‌وگو درباره معضلات بین‌المللی. در میان سخنرانی‌هایی که پیش‌تر از آن‌ها به عنوان سخنرانی‌های مهم‌تر یاد شد:

  • صرفاً در چهار سخنرانی نامی از «ایران» برده شد: سخنرانی مایکل پنس، و سخنرانی‌های پی‌د ی آویگدور لیبرمن، مولود چاووش‌اوغلو، و عادل الجبیر که تقریباً بلافاصله پس از سخنرانی محمدجواد ظریف خارجه ایران ادعاهای ضدایرانی خود را پشت سر هم ردیف د. این سخنرانی‌ها خبر از یک توطئه هماهنگ‌شده علیه ایران می‌داد. نکته قابل‌توجه، این‌که پیش از آغاز ادعاباران ایران در سه سخنرانی آ کنفرانس، موگرینی یا لاوروف در سخنان خود مستقیماً اشاره‌ای به ایران یا دفاعی از تهران ن د.
  • مایکل پنس سخنرانی نسبتاً طولانی‌ای داشت و به سبک «دیپلماتیک»، یا به اقتضای آن‌چه خودش «ظرفیت جدید [و تجربه کوتاه‌مدت] به عنوان معاون اول رئیس‌جمهور» توصیف کرد، عمده مواضع خود را در لفافه بیان نمود و به نوعی بیش‌تر «شعار» داد. وی، در عین حال، از متهم ایران به حمایت از تروریسم و تکرار ادعای تلاش تهران برای دست‌ی به سلاح هسته‌ای فروگذار نکرد و در سخنان خود 3 بار نام ایران را آورد.
  • آویگدور لیبرمن هیچ حرفی برای گفتن نداشت، جز آن‌که به ایران حمله کند. وی که اعتراف کرد سخنرانی‌ای آماده نکرده است، در اقدامی عجیب بدون آن‌که از جیمز متیس دفاع که در کنفرانس حاضر بود، نامی ببرد، سخنان خود را با نقل‌قولی از او آغاز کرد: «ما در خاورمیانه با سه چالش مواجه هستیم: ایران، ایران، و ایران.» لیبرمن در سخنرانی خود دست‌کم 13 بار نام ایران را آورد. وی طی پرسش و پاسخ بعد از سخنرانی هم 3 بار دیگر این کار را تکرار کرد.
  • چاووش‌اوغلو نسبت به سایر سخنران‌ها در مونیخ، نسبت به ایران موضع بهتری داشت و اگرچه در صحبت‌هایش از ایران نام برد، اما ح تهاجمی علیه تهران نداشت. وی البته در بخش پرسش و پاسخ بعد از سخنرانی‌اش این ضعف را جبران کرد و با متهم ایران به دامن زدن به تنش‌های مذهبی و فرقه‌ای با صهیونیست‌ها و سعودی‌ها همراه شد. وی جدای از سخنرانی خود، در بخش پرسش و پاسخ، دست‌کم 3 بار نام ایران را آورد.
  • عادل الجبیر به عنوان آ ین مقام تی که در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017 سخنرانی می‌کرد، درباره ایران سنگ تمام گذاشت. وی در سخنرانی طولانی خود تنها دو کار کرد: خاراندن پاچه و گرفتن پاچه ایران. الجبیر نه تنها دانلد ترامپ را عامل حل بسیاری از مشکلات در خاورمیانه و جهان دانست، بلکه او را با رونالد ریگانی مقایسه کرد که به زعم او سال «1982» در روی کار آمده بود[16]. وی بقیه زمان سخنرانی خود را به گرفتن پاچه ایران اختصاص داد و طی این مدت 26 بار نام ایران را آورد. الجبیر در بخش پرسش و پاسخ هم 25 بار دیگر، این کار را تکرار کرد.
تک‌خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ
«عادل الجبیر»: «ایران هم‌چنان بزرگ‌ترین حامی تروریسم در دنیاست»

 

چرا ظریف تک‌خوان کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ بود؟

نشانه‌های تلاش‌های هدفمند به ویژه از جانب رژیم‌های صهیونیستی و سعودی[17] برای تشکیل ائتلافی که لیبرمن  آن را ائتلاف و کشورهای عربی سنی و میانه‌رو علیه ایران توصیف کرد، کاملاً مشهود بود. لیبرمن و الجبیر پشت تریبون سخنرانی بارها به هم ابراز عشق و به شنیدن مواضع یک‌دیگر اظهار علاقه د؛ حتی چنان‌که در ‌ها به نظر می‌آید، در بخش‌هایی از سخنرانی خود، از همان پشت تریبون نتوانستند نگاه‌های عاشقانه خود به یک‌دیگر را قایم کنند.

 

 

 
00:0022:31
 
سخنرانی «عادل الجبیر» خارجه سعودی در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017

به هر حال، چنان‌که آمارهای ارائه شده در بالا نشان می‌دهد، ائتلاف شوم پنس-لبیرمن-چاووش‌اوغلو-الجبیر روی هم رفته در سخنرانی‌ها و اظهارات خود بیش از 70 بار از ایران نام بردند. به طور خاص، ، رژیم صهیونیستی و عربستان در اقداماتی کاملاً هم‌سو ادعاهای تکراری نظیر حمایت از تروریسم، دامن زدن به تنش‌های فرقه‌ای و منطقه‌ای، نقض قطع‌نامه‌های سازمان ملل با آزمایش‌های موشکی، و تلاش برای دست‌ی به سلاح‌های هسته‌ای را علیه ایران مطرح د. اگرچه حملات این چهار نفر به ایران از قبل پیش‌بینی نشده بود، اما بدون شک از دشمن انتظاری جز دشمنی نباید داشت. آن‌چه موجب تأسف است، چیز دیگری است.

اکنون وقت آن است که یک آمار دیگر را هم به آمارهای بالا اضافه و با آن‌ها مقایسه کنیم. در حالی که کشورهای متخاصم با ایران همراه با رژیم صهیونیستی در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی خود دست‌کم 73 بار نام ایران را بردند، محمدجواد ظریف در سخنرانی خود حتی یک بار هم نامی از هیچ‌یک از این کشورها یا رژیم صهیونیستی نیاورد[18]. خارجه کشورمان متأسفانه به سبک دیپلماتیک چهار سال گذشته، ترجیح داد همه چیز را «بدون تنش» حل و فصل کند.

ظریف بر خلاف صهیونیست‌ها و سعودی‌ها که با توپ پر به مونیخ آمده بودند، غیرمسلح وارد سالن کنفرانس شده بود و بر خلاف ایران‌ستیزان که کشورمان را با سلاح‌های سنگینی مانند «تروریسم» و «موشک» و «فرقه‌گرایی» آماج حملات خود قرار دادند، صرفاً دیدگاه خود درباره «گذارِ در جریان به سوی نظم پساغربی» را ارائه داد، به بیان راه‌کارهایی کلی نظیر «گذار ذهنیِ متناسب با واقعیت‌های گذارِ جهانی» اکتفا کرد و از «غیرواقع‌بینانه یا حتی بی‌معنی بودن [تلاش برای] دست‌ی به امنیت به قیمت ناامن دیگران، در دنیایی جهانی‌شده» سخن گفت.

 

 

 
00:0024:31
 
سخنرانی محمدجواد ظریف در کنفرانس مونیخ 2017؛ در این سخنرانی نشانه‌های دیپلماسی شوخی کاملاً مشهود است
 

البته ناگفته نماند که سخنرانی محمدجواد ظریف طبق برنامه قرار نبود اولین سخنرانی در روز سوم کنفرانس باشد[19] و اگر سخنرانی وی بعد از سخنرانی‌های لیبرمن، چاووش‌اوغلو و الجبیر ایراد می‌شد، شاید متن این سخنرانی هم به همان نسبت تنظیم می‌شد و چه‌بسا می‌توانست شبهات ایجادشده و دروغ‌های گفته‌شده را خنثی کند. با این وجود، ناگفته پیداست که این غافل‌گیری هم نتیجه دیپلماسی خوش‌بینانه است.

البته گذشته از ماهیت سخنرانی ظریف و تلاش‌های مکرر (و غیرقابل‌درک) خارجه برای طفره رفتن از مقصر معرفی کشورهای غربی و به خصوص برای بسیاری از مشکلات خاورمیانه و حتی جنگ عراق (که صرفاً مخاطره‌جویی‌های نظامی خارجی در اوایل دهه 2000 معرفی می‌شود)، مشکل دیگری هم در این سخنرانی وجود داشت که چه‌بسا بزرگ‌تر از ماهیت ملایم و تنش‌گریز آن بود.

آن‌چه تحت عنوان «دیپلماسی لبخند» از آن یاد و انتقاد می‌شود، متأسفانه در سخنرانی خارجه در کنفرانس مونیخ هم خود را به بدترین شکل ممکن نشان داد. دشمنان ایران در حالی با لحن کاملاً جدی، کشورمان را به باد انتقاد و ادعای دروغ گرفتند که خارجه ما حدود یک ساعت قبل، سخنرانی خود را با خنده و شوخی آغاز کرده بود. به عبارت دیگر، در کنسرت «جدی» ایران‌هراسی‌ای که سه کشور به همراه رژیم صهیونیستی علیه ایران به راه انداخته بودند، تنها «تک‌صدای» دیپلماسی لبخند ظریف بود که با بقیه تفاوت داشت.

تک‌خوانی ظریف در کنسرت ایران‌هراسی مونیخ
دیپلماسی لبخند این‌بار هم دسته‌گل به آب داد
 
 

خارجه کشورمان به جای آن‌که در کنفرانس مهم مونیخ، علاوه بر دفاع از مواضع ایران، بازیگران م ب منطقه‌ای را نیز توبیخ کند، متأسفانه نمایشی همراه با لبخند و استفاده از ترفندهای «پرزنتیشن دانش‌جویی» نظیر «خودغافل‌گیری» را در دستورکار قرار داده بود. از همان ابتدا، شوخی با بسم‌الله‌الرحمن‌الرحیم، شوخی درباره «خواندن از روی متن»، سپس وانمود به غافل‌گیر شدن از همان متن، و نهایتاً خنده و شوخی در جلسه پرسش و پاسخ، تضمین کرد که سخنرانی و اظهارات خارجه ایران فاقد جدیت مقتضی در کنفرانسی به جدیت کنفرانس مونیخ است.

شوخی‌های ظریف علیه هیچ‌ یا اتهامات جدی علیه ایران؛ کدام باو ذیر است؟
 

چنان‌که تجربه تلخ کنفرانس مونیخ نشان داد، یکی از جنبه‌های دیپلماسی منفعلانه، اعتماد ناخودآگاه به دشمن است که موجب غفلت و غافل‌گیری می‌شود. ساده‌ترین ضرری که دیپلماسی لبخند و غفلت در کنفرانس مونیخ برای کشورمان به دنبال داشت این بود که هر ناظری با مقایسه سخنرانی‌های دروغ‌محور اما منسجمِ محور غربی-عربی-عبری با سخنرانی منفعلانه خارجه ایران، قطعاً فریب دروغ‌پردازی‌های محور شرارت را خواهد خورد.

صاحبان دیپلماسی لبخند باید توجه داشته باشند که بحق بودن یک مسئله است و اثبات آن مسئله‌ای دیگر. همان‌گونه که دشمنان ایران بارها و بارها نشان داده‌اند که از هر فرصتی برای ضربه زدن به کشورمان استفاده می‌کنند، دیپلمات‌های ما نیز باید نشان دهند، از هر فرصتی برای اثبات حقانیت و برای خنثی دروغ‌های بدخواهان استفاده می‌کنند. تنها در صورت بی‌اعتمادی مطلق به دشمنان قسم‌خورده است که می‌توان در آینده از غافل‌گیری جلوگیری کرد و حتی پیش از دروغ‌پردازی دشمنان، دروغ‌های آن‌ها را خنثی نمود. و صد البته جدیتی که برای اثبات بحق بودن لازم است، با دیپلماسی لبخند در جمع دشمنان، یک‌جا جمع نخواهد شد.



[1] munich security conference link

[2] ewald von kleist award link

[3] tomgram: greg grandin, waging endless war from vietnam to syria link

[4] henry kissinger’s "mad and illegal” bombing: what you need to know about his real history — and why the sanders/clinton exchange matters link

[5] united against nuclear iran link

[6] ex-sen. lieberman takes reins of anti-iran deal group link

[7] agenda and participants link

[8] remarks by secretary mattis at the munich security conference in munich, germany link

[9] remarks by sasc chairman john mccain at the 2017 munich security conference link

[10] remarks by the vice president at the munich security conference link

[11] remarks to munich security conference link

[12] speech by federica mogherini at the munich security conference link

[13] foreign minister sergey lavrov’s address and answers to questions at the 53rd munich security conference, munich, february 18, 2017 link

[14] in munich, liberman calls for coalition of ‘moderates’ against iran link

[15] remarks foreign minister adel al-jubeir munich security conference munich, germany 19 february 2017 link

[16] ریگان در انتخاب ریاست‌جمهوری سال 1980 در پیروز شد و از 20 ژانویه سال 1981 کار خود را در کاخ سفید آغاز کرد، اما ظاهراً خارجه سعودی قبل از کنفرانس مونیخ سخنرانی‌اش را یک بار مرور نکرده بود، یا بدتر از آن، سواد تاریخی کافی نداشت.

[17] saudi arabia, israel present de facto united front against iran link

[18] speech by iranian foreign minister at the munich security conference link

[19] munich conference cancels joint session with liberman, zarif link




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چگونگی عرضه برچسب های هلوگرامی
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عرضه برچسب های هولوگرامی

ارائه دهندگان قدیمی خدمات برچسب گذاری هولوگرامی، می توانند برچسب های هولوگرامی دلخواه را به مشتریان خود عرضه کنند. این مراکز، همچنین میتوانند از نماد، لوگو و نام مندرج بر روی برچسب های هلوگرامی شما استفاده کنند. این کار به محصول شما مُهر یکتا بودن میدهد. نیازی نیست که دربارۀ افزایش هزینه به دلیل درج برچسب های هلوگرامی بر روی محصولات خود نگران باشید. تولیدکنندگان حرفه ای خدمات هولوگرام می توانند این برچسبها را در دوره ای محدود و با صرف هزینه ای کمتر از هزینه ای که شما برای برچسب می پردازید، به طور انبوهی تولید کنند.

قبل از استخدام یک سازمان منطقه ای برای خدمات برچسب های هولوگرامی، با متخصّصان ارتباط بگیرید و سوابق آن ها را دنبال کنید. شما می توانید از او دربارۀ فنّاوری ای که برای نسل برچسب های هولوگرامی استفاده می کند، سوال کنید. این کار در صورتی می تواند مفید واقع شود که شما از گفته ها و محصولات بعضی از مدّعیان را باهم مقایسه کنید. در شرایط ایده آل، شما بهتر است که از آن ها نمونه های رایگان کار آن ها را طلب کنید. شما برای کمتر قیمت محصولات آنها، می توانید جستجوی آنلاین انجام دهید و در بستر های رسانه های اجتماعی مشهور جستجو کنید. جستجوی قیمت عوامل مرتبط و شرایط خدمات آنها قبل از نهایی قرارداد، امری محتاطانه است. شما می توانید برای اوّلین باری که یک شرکت را استخدام می کنید، محصولات کمی را تخصیص دهید.

برچسب های ضد سرقت

جلوگیری از ایجاد تصویر منفی از شرکت

در اینجا مثال هایی از شرکت هایی آورده شده است که حضور سازندگان محصولات تقلّبی منجر به از دست دادن درآمد آنها شده است. این فساد تقریباً در هر بخشی، از جمله پوشاک، کالاهای تند مصرف، درمان پوستی، مراقبت های درمانی، الکترونیک و صنایع بسیار دیگر وجود دارد. خطر سرقت برند های بسیاری را در مخمصه گرفتار کرده است. بدشانسی ماجرا این است که تولید کنندگان چنین محصولات تقلّبی در طی زمان به وجود آمده اند و به اندازه کافی برای کپی لوگو، شعار و گرافیک شرکت ها با دقّت زیادی توانمند شده اند. آنها اینگونه مشتریان را فریب می دهند و سود می برند، درحالیکه تولید کنندگان واقعیِ محصولات ضررهای سنگینی را گزارش می کنند. شما نمی توانید روی بسته بندی و طرّاحی محصولات سنّتی حساب کنید و جاعلان را از نیت های شوم بازدارید. برای از بین بردن چنین احتمالاتی برای شرکت خود، وقت آن است که به استفاده از برچسب ضد سرقت متوسّل شوید.

مزایای داشتن برچسب های هولوگرامی

هنگامیکه محصولات عرضه شدۀ شرکت شما مجّهز به برچسب هولوگرام شود، شما میتوانید از چند جهت سود ببرید. ابتدا، شما لازم نیست که نگران انبوه محصولات جعلی و مشابه به اصل در بازار باشید. به علاوه، مشتریان به راحتی میتوانند محصولات اصل را ازز تقلبّی تشخیص دهند. برای تشخیص برجستگی روی هولوگرام، نیازی به دانش زیاد یداران از تکنولوزی نیست. برچسب های هولوگرام به راحتی قابل تشخیص اند. این برچسب ها بسیار سخت می توانند دقیقاً کپی شوند و محصولات شما را از کپی محصول درر امان نگه می دارد. جدا از تشخیص ظاهری، این برجسب ها می توانند توسط کامپیوتر شناسایی شوند. این امر محصولات شما را یک گام به امنیت نزدیکتر می کند.

با پیشرفت های قابل ملاحظه در این حوزه از فنّاوری، هزینۀ برچسب های هولوگرامی بسیار کاهش یافته است. شما می توانید از این موضوع بهره ببرید و یک سازمان برچسب زنی حرفه ای استخدام کنید تا بتوانید برای محصولات و شرکت خود به کیفیت برچسب های ضد سرقت دست ی د و تا حدّی که جلوی تباه شدن پول شما را می گیرد.

برچسب های هولوگرامی

مزیّت دیگر برچسب های هولوگرامی در این است که می توانند بی دردسر با انواع مختلف محصولات بکار روند. شما می توانید چه پوشاک، چه غذا یا حتّی دارو بفروشید، برچسب های هولوگرامی می توانند با محصولات شما بدون هیچ دردسری استفاده شوند.



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ثانیه ای امنیت در زبان های برنامه نویسی!
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